In the just concluded Lok Sabha polls, state’s oldest political party was pushed to the knots. But what continues to dominate the table talks and the kitchen debates is the maiden defeat of Dr Farooq Abdullah. R S Gull profiles Tariq Hameed Karra, the man nicknamed ‘a king-slayer’ for his victory

Tariq Hameed Karra

The first thing not known about Tariq Hameed Karra is that he is not Karra. He is Wani. But the conversion of Wani to Karra has an interesting background that is linked to Kashmir’s phenomenally modest past.

Somewhere during the Dogra autocracy, Kashmir was hit by a drought. It was dictated by a total halt in rains. People needed food. After Maharaja’s granaries were emptied, Wanis of Batamaloo, being the major landlords around Srinagar, had their stores full of peas. Better growers, they had decided against raising paddy for lack of water and instead opted for peas and it fetched a good crop. As the going got tough for people, peas-full-stores were opened. Peas are Karra in Kashmir and that fetched the family a new surname, dictated by an overwhelming situation. While some families of the same clan are still Wanis, a major section, however, are Karras.

The second interesting part of the story is that Karras and Abdullahs are not strangers to each other. It is again the dark past of the place that had linked them quite closely at one point of time.

The family legend among Karras is that they were traders selling Pashmina and Tus in Bengal (now West Bengal). Around 1920s when the Quit India movement was at its peak, two brothers Mohammad Abdullah Wani and Abdul Gaffar Wani felt politically enlightened by the happenings around. They decided to sell off their fortunes and return home to initiate a same kind of movement back home. Then, it is believed, they owned three buildings housing around 500 shops in Calcutta. They sold them and returned home.

Back home, the traders joined the like-minded like Molvi Yousuf Shah and Amla Munshi. Once they decided to offer some resistance to the autocracy, they lacked a face. The hunt for a face to resistance was eventually discovered. It was a school teacher Mohammad Abdullah Sheikh who was resisting at his own level. They adopted the teacher who eventually became the Sher-e-Kashmir Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.

Tariq Hameed Karra (extreme left) with his brother, sister and parents.

By then Abdullah and Gaffar had their sons studying in AMU. They returned and joined NC. Gaffar’s son Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq was NC’s Vice President and eventually became the Chief Minister as his sister Zainab Begum was a minister. Abdullah’s son Ghulam Mohiuddin Karra would become the organizational backbone of the NC till he parted ways with the Sheikh. Tariq Hameed Karra is Mohiuddin Karra’s grand-son.

Third important thing is that the two dynasties that started politics together had a love-hate relationship. G M Sadiq was VP of NC and after Sheikh was imprisoned and jailed by Nehru in 1953, he supported Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad in a virtually hijacked NC. When Sadiq eventually replaced Bakhshi, he was a full time Congressman. Prior to that, Sadiq had floated Democratic National Conference (DNC) that he later merged with Congress.

Slightly prior to Sadiq drifting away from the family-run NC, Ghulam Mohiuddin Karra had distanced from Sheikh. He founded Political Conference post 1953. Karra had his own politics that would keep him away from the governance system. But when the 1971 war led to the slicing of Pakistan, the impact was felt by Kashmir’s entire leadership. Karra was not an exception.

Karra had an ideological shift. On the request of Jai Prakash Naraian, Karra agreed to contest for Lok Sabha in 1977 as a Janta Party candidate. That time it was NC versus JP and the latter was supported by Moulana Masoodi, Mirwaiz Molvi Farooq and Abdul Gani Lone. He lost the election. Post-defeat, he remained restricted to his home till he passed away in 1996, on the day Srinagar polled for the state assembly elections.

Tariq Hameed Karra who defeated Abdullah scion, says he was trained by Mohiuddin Karra from his early days. The 1955 born Karra is law graduate who briefly practiced bar as a junior of Mian Abdul Qayoom. Before becoming the founding general secretary of the PDP, Karra had a brief spell with NC, a relation that did not last for long. He was nominated to the Legislative Council in 2003 and was later elected from Batamaloo to the assembly.

In Srinagar’s post-partition history, Karra is the only politician who has been finance and planning minister. During his different roles in the state government, Karra proved controversial a few times. It included his support to the use of dual currency in J&K on both sides of the LoC.

Karra had a bit of problem with his party prior to his fielding to the Lok Sabha. Though he insists the issue was not different from what happens in families, NC tried its bit to make it an election issue. Abdullahs’ even said Karra was knocking at their door, an allegation Karra rejects.

But how did Karra manage a better campaign by spending slightly more than one fourth of what Dr Abdullah spent? “Ours was a very serious campaign,” Karra said. “We would go to a belt and camp there, go from door to door and interact with youth.” That was perhaps why Karra pounced NC in most of its strongholds like Kangan, Chrar-e-Sharief, Ganderbal and most of Srinagar.

It was Maqbool Bhat’s hanging that stirred noted short story writer Akhtar Mohi-ud-din, and made him return his Literary Award. Bilal Handoo reports how turmoil and suffering of Kashmiris shaped his work     

Athar Mohi-ud-din

It was early eighties. And the public discourse was: Maqbool Bhat—incarcerated in New Delhi’s Tihar jail, might be hanged very soon! This had triggered many campaigns in valley to press upon India not to hang him. One of the prominent faces—leading from the front, was the renowned Kashmiri short story writer, Akhtar Mohi-ud-Din.

Akhtar had issued statements in local dailies, urging the government of India not to hang Maqbool. “Gaandhi Ji’s India will not gain anything by hanging Maqbool Bhat,” one of his statements read. But his pleas fell on deaf ears. Bhat was hanged. And in protest against hanging, Akhtar returned his literary award given purely for the literary merit of his works.

Akhtar who considered Maqbool Bhat as the “National hero of Kashmir” was hailed for his courageous act to return the honour. Soon after Bhat’s hanging, Akhtar in his correspondence to then Indian prime minister expressed his strong resentment and hurtful feelings over the act.

He was one of the few local writers who identified himself with the political struggle in Kashmir. As a short story writer, he reflected the turmoil which gripped valley in 1990s. His collections of short stories published posthumously reveals a mind constantly grappling with violent transformations in Kashmiri society.

He gave vent to his feelings for Kashmiris in his verses and pieces of fiction. In his book ‘Seven One Nine Seven Nine,’ Akhtar depicts the plight of Kashmiris in a piece of fiction titled Jali huend dande phol. His write-up Aatak Wadi conveyed that ‘Indian soldiers looked at Kashmiris as nothing but terrorists’. He was a first Kashmiri writer to dedicate his novel Jahnamuk Panun Panun Naar in 1975 to the person “who would fire first bullet to set things rights in Kashmir”.

During nineties when the graph of human rights violations escalated in valley, Akhtar in protest returned Padma Shree award given to him in 1968.

He wrote to different ministers besides the home minister about the atrocities that government forces were committing in the valley during 90s, says Azar Hilal, his son.

“He urged ministers to put a check on the excesses of security forces in Kashmir,” says Hilal. “But when there was no response to his repeated pleas, he thought the only weapon in his hand was to return the award he got in the literary field.” This was his way of showing solidarity with his people.

And meanwhile, he continued to be the part of people’s movement. In early 1990s, he joined Hurriyat Conference. For a known socialist like Akhtar, this was a difficult intellectual journey.

“I feel a writer cannot go without politics,” Akhtar once wrote, “but he cannot converge himself into the channel of party politics.” A writer, he said, must associate himself with the large majority of the people: “Therein dwells the real life and real experience.”

Born on April 17, 1928 in Srinagar, Akhtar is considered to be a trend-setter among the Kashmiri prose writers. He has written more than forty radio plays and six collections of short stories. He has also published two novels, Daud Dag (Disease and Pain) and Zuv ti Zulan (Precarious Life).

“His stories carry the feel and throb of the living style of ordinary people in Kashmiri society,” writes Autar Mota, a blogger. “Read him in original Kashmiri or translations, he leaves an impression.”

Akhtar laid down the strong foundation of modern Kashmiri literature. He was one of the founder members of Progressive Writers’ Association in 1950s. And also, he was the first Kashmiri who was awarded the Sahithi Academy Award for fiction in 1956.

In his personal life, however, Akhtar kept struggling. During turbulent nineties, some unknown gunmen killed his son. And later, his son-in-law was killed by CRPF. But he refused to succumb to loss. He put up a brave face and kept his son-in-law’s three little daughters at his own home. He became their guardian and gave them protection.

But at the age of 74 (on May 2, 2001), Akhtar lost the battle of his life. He was suffering from an intestinal malignancy.

In 2007, the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), a Srinagar-based civil rights group, posthumously conferred Akhtar with Robert Thorpe award.

“Akhtar was a courageous person who resisted all acts of injustice, slavery or any unlawful activities happening during his time,” says Zareef Ahmad Zareef, noted poet and critic. “He always stood for justice and asked for an end to human rights violations.”

There was intellectual honesty in him, believes Dr Altaf Hussain, noted paediatrician and writer: “He kindled the spark of freedom struggle in Kashmir, which then hit martyrs like Maqbool Bhat, and Ishfaq Majeed etc.”

As Prime Minister Narendra Modi started working with his ‘compact’ team, it may require one or many ministers for managing Kashmir informally. R S Gull revisits the UPA model and assesses Modi’s team members with some K-connection to understand if NDA has any face to wear the mask

Jairam Ramesh, former Union Rural Development Minister, posing for a photograph after attending a function in Srinagar.
Pic: Bilal Bahadur

It has been quite rare for any representative of Delhi government in Srinagar to get immense respect cutting across party lines. Almost everywhere he was introduced by the local unionist leaders as ‘friend of Kashmir’ and his status of being a minister in Dr Manmohan Singh’s government came always next. Be it Mufti Sayeed, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Dr Farooq Abdullah or Omar, Jairam Ramesh was ‘friend of Kashmir’, for all of them.

Factors that led to this phenomenon revolved round Jairam’s immense interest in Kashmir. A frequent visitor to Kashmir, Jairam would initiate ideas and chase them till they start operating. He would intervene in the state government to help initiatives take off. This gave him an image of being pro-Kashmir in Srinagar and in Delhi status of a Kashmir-expert. He was always the most informed minister on Kashmir in Manmohan Singh era.

Routine developmental activities apart, most of the initiatives that Delhi launched in Kashmir for most of the last decade had visible Jairam hand associated with it. Jairam served Manmohan Singh government in different capacities. In UPA-1, Jairam was MoS commerce and industry and was later shifted to power ministry. In UPA-2, he was independently managing the environment and forest ministry before being elevated as a cabinet minister for Rural Development in 2011.

As Commerce & Industry Minister, Jairam was responsible for initiating and implementing the idea of getting Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI) as the autonomous agency for holding a buyer-seller meeting. Since 2007, the trade body is holding the exercise every year. They get the budget from the commerce ministry, invite overseas buyers and showcase the handicrafts and it has helped reviving the relationship that sellers and buyers had during the earlier peaceful days of Kashmir.

With the emergence of militancy, most of the institutions vital for Kashmir exports had fled the valley. This was a massive crisis and in May 2007, Jairam initiated the process of restoration and return of the institutional infrastructure which included presence of representatives of Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT), Export Credit Guarantee Corporation (ECGC), Central Spice Board, and Export Promotion Councils for Carpet and Handicrafts. At the same time, he chased the ideas of managing registration of Kashmiri handicrafts. Right now five Kashmir hand made products are GI registered and awaiting follow up. To ensure the agri-products get their due, Jairam ensured APEDA associating with potential exports from the sector.

In Power Ministry, the scope was quite little. But Jairam was instrumental in getting NHPC and state owned PDC join hands for a Joint Venture company Chenab Valley Power Projects (CVPP). This is the first JV in which NHPC has as many stakes (49%) as a state owned entity PDC has. Balance 2% stakes are with NTPC. This JV is tasked to implement three power projects totaling 2100 MWs in the Chenab Valley.

As he moved to environment and forests, Jairam visited all the lakes in Kashmir and Jammu. He fast forwarded the release of allocations for Dal Lake conservation and approved the basics for a major conservation plan for the Wullar lake.

Arun Jaitley

His most active role was witnessed once he moved to the Rural Development ministry. Initiatives like Rs 235 crores Skill, Empowerment and Employment (SEE) scheme, known locally as Himayat and Umeed. These initiatives helped him to have a wider access in the length and breadth of the state. But what would distinguish Jairam on Kashmir front was his unorthodox response to the prevailing situations.

 Sensing the crisis in the cross-LoC barter, Jairam met the Finance Minister and suggested him to permit J&K Bank to manage the twin currency accounts involving Indian and Pakistani currencies. As he saw the mess that non-availability of adequate number of aircrafts was creating for Kashmir tourism, he wrote to the Prime Minister suggesting immediate revocation of the ban on night-landing, a decision taken by PMO but slowed down by the authorities at local level.

Jairam would know officers and traders by name. For most of them he was just a call away. He made a statement by ordering that only a Kashmiri brand of mineral water be purchased and served in his ministry and he recommended many Kashmiri products to other ministries. The most interesting detail of his involvement on Kashmir front was that people would seek his intervention even in local governance affairs!

With Congress decimated by the last Lok Sabha elections and Jairam back to the Rajya Sabha, the question is who in Narendra Modi’s government has the capacity to don this mantle that emerged in last one decade?

To many, the answer is not far away: Dr Jitendra Singh Rana, the diabetics specialist who defeated Congress veteran Ghulam Nabi Azad from Udhmapur is now a MOS in PMO. With direct access to PM, Rana Sr could do many things. But he kicked his status on the very first day by saying the new government is planning scrapping of Article 370 for which in the initial phase a debate will be started. This triggered a major row across India, especially in Kashmir. Rana Sr, was obviously addressing his own constituency, back home. But it dented his prospects of ever being a ‘friend of Kashmir’.

Dr Jitendra Singh Rana

People who have known him for a long time assert that even if Dr Rana would not have embroiled himself in the Art 370 controversy, he still lacked the potential of becoming relevant to Kashmir. Medical practice apart, Dr Rana was a columnist who started writing against Kashmir when the militancy broke out. It was during 2008 Amarnath land row that Dr Rana was seen as spokesman of the Shri Amarnath anghrash Samittee (SASS), the Jammu right wing body that enforced an economic blockade of Kashmir, Ladakh, Chenab Valley and Pir Panchal Valley for nearly three months. It was on basis of his 2008 contributions that in 2012 he put in his papers and then joined BJP formally.

The second who is closer to J&K is Arun Jaitely. He has very strong connections across the state, cutting across party lines. Being married in a Jammu family, even the BJP sees him as its J&K expert. That is perhaps why   Jaitely is the first to fly to Jammu whenever there is tension in Kishtwar or somewhere else.

A very well read man, Jaitely is one of the few BJP leaders who are sitting at the pyramid of party’s knowledgeable faces. Given finance ministry and defence in additional charge, Jaitley may not have enough time to play a Jairam replica in Kashmir. His involvement in Kashmir can cost the party dearly in Jammu, its main support base in the state.

When former Army chief General V K Sing was taking oath of office, there was excitement in various quarters across Kashmir. The controversial army chief has served Kashmir in various capacities and allegations are flowing around that he was playing politics as well. The most sensational part of his actions was the Technical Support Division (TSD). Apart from using this super-intelligence and actions group for gathering local high-end intelligence, the TSD was reportedly used to mount various covert overseas operations. A local newspaper even alleged that this unit had filmed one of Omar’s ministers in ‘the act’ and converted him into a source.

But General Singh triggered a larger controversy in Kashmir when he revealed that TSD was paying various political functionaries. Quite a few beneficiaries like Agriculture Minister Ghulam Hassan Mir. Certain comments of General Singh led the state’s legislative assembly to summon the soldier, an order he did not oblige. The issue has been given a silent death with nobody in Congress, PDP or NC willing to take the talk forward.

 It was this lobby that was happy over General Singh taking over as a minister. However, he has been given the charge of working in North East. He may have a clout of his own but that might not necessarily help him have any say on Kashmir.

General VK Singh

BJP is an ideological party and has its control in the RSS. There is least chance of its members being liberal. Though a few names like Prakash Javdekar have the projection of being liberal, but Kashmir hand does not require just a liberal. The situation demands a doer, who has mass contacts and an alternative channel of communication between the people and those controlling power and policy in Delhi.

An additional crisis that BJP might face in Kashmir is that neither of the two Kashmir based parties NC and PDP have a solid connection. While Omar Abdullah, who earlier served the NDA as a minister, has burnt all his boats during polls by packaging the Lok Sabha polls a communalism versus secularism, the PDP might be in panic if they had laid any bridge with the BJP using activist writer Madhu Kishwar. She had openly gone against Modi’s decision of taking Simriti Irani as HRD minister for the lack of competence.

It is leading to a situation in which the only informal mass contact between the BJP and Kashmir is through a group of people who are formally BJP members. Given the fact that they are less political and have more vested interests, they can spoil the broth. In such a situation, it is only the security grid and the bureaucratic circle that will get strengthened. The two groups can take Kashmir back to the days when political initiatives would be subservient to what the security men would think. That is a step backward, again.

After National Conference (NC) met its Waterloo in parliamentary elections, revamp and reshuffle in the party was on cards. Though the head’s twitter is still loud; but for a ‘change,’ doors of his durbar have been unbolted for ‘bridging the gaps’. And then, a ‘change’ also overtook the party hierarchy, when Ali Mohammad Sagar replaced Sheikh Nazir as NC General Secretary (GS). Many say, NC’s high voltage post is akin to acid test for the party’s city face, whose constituency (Khanyar) was retained by NC in recently held Lok Sabha elections.

Sagar pledged that he would pull out his party from difficulties. But political observers say, the way senior party leadership was castigated for parliamentary poll debacle, the new party position is likely to unnerve MLA Khanyar. Already another senior NC man and state finance minister, Abdul Rahim Rather invited bad press and was ‘demonised’ for NC’s poll debacle. And, if party sources are to be believed, then the oldies in Sheikh Abdullah founded NC might have a tough time to retain their berths in the party after upcoming state Assembly elections.

But NC president Dr Farooq Abdullah has thrown all his support behind Sagar by saying that nobody will interfere in his work. At the same time, Omar Abdullah says, Sagar was chosen for this highly taxing job – “because we believe that he will put all his efforts in strengthening the party.” So, the message is clear: Sagar has been primarily chosen as the NC’s ‘crisis manager’. But in the uncertain political arena, even crisis managers taste dust! The instance of Ghulam Nabi Azad – otherwise known as, the ‘crisis manager’ of congress is glaringly fresh in public memories.

A postgraduate minister in Omar’s cabinet, Sagar shares his birth-year (1953) with the historic incarceration of NC founder, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. In 1983, he was appointed as GS of Youth NC. And in the same year, he was first elected to the Assembly and since then, has remained invincible.

Now after assuming the charge of the party’s GS, Sagar said NC has seen the worse, and that in 1990 people ostracized the party, “but we staged a comeback. And, NC will overcome hard times.”

But hard times for his party seem far from over at the moment. But, will steps taken by Sagar and Co. on a war footing take his party out of political quagmire? To know that, one has to wait for a while. But if political wave is any indication, then the task for Sagar seems indeed Herculean!

– Bilal Handoo

Orphans for different reasons, two boys from the frontier district meet each other at orphanage in Srinagar. Once out of orphanage, their paths crossed once again, but decided to stay together to battle out the fate, Riyaz Ul Khaliq details the struggle of the orphan duo

Ishfaq Ahmad and Bilal Ahmad

Two and a half decadal conflict in Kashmir has been paradox in many ways. While it manufactured and piled up a destitute lot, it also helped the affected young to derive and live their lives on their own, at least.

Hailing from the frontier Cherkoot area in district Kupwara’s Lolab valley, both boys are victims of conflict. After losing their childhood to four walls of orphanages, the boys are presently in Srinagar pursuing their study. Ishfaq Ahmad, 21, and Bilal Ahmad, 20, don’t have any blood relation, but they live like brothers, always trying to help each other. The duo is currently pursuing their under-graduation from Islamia College in Srinagar.

But being orphan and to study don’t always run hand in hand. The monetary woes keep disturbing. But the boys are working part time to meet financial requirements.

At the crack of the dawn, both of them ride on their bicycles. Collect bundle of newspapers from nearby news stall. And distribute newspaper around the major parts of the Srinagar city. And as the Sun moves just over head, they leave for their colleges. “We move around city early morning with Newspapers and once we are done with it, we prepare for our classes,” Ishfaq informs.

While Bilal is First year Commerce student, Ishfaq is final year BSc student.

In the evening, the duo goes for a one hour computer course daily. As the Sun shifts towards West fully, they slaughter poultry at a local poultry vendor in Old City. “We have been doing this now for quite some time,” Bilal says. “It helps us to maintain our daily expenditure.”

With his mother and younger brother back home, Ishfaq says he doesn’t remember his father’s face. His father had just joined ITBP in early 1990s. He had returned from his nine months training and one day he went to Sopore to buy a cow for the domestic use. “He didn’t return home since then,” he says. “Locals say that my father got killed on border but we have no information about him.”

With no one to care about him and his family, Ishfaq’s elder brother was diagnosed with Jaundice in 1998. “He was taken to hospital,” he says, “but he died there after eight days. We had no money to cure him.”

And the same year, someone came to his home, who Ishfaq describes as Godly man. “He asked my mother to give me to him as he would help my upbringing,” he explains. “As the domestic problems galore, I was sent with him.”

The man dropped Ishfaq at Shehjaar, an orphanage run by J&K Help Foundation at Saida Kadal in Srinagar. “I studied there for 12 years. They provided me with everything and I had no problem,” he says, with high regards for the organization.

As he passed his class 12, he left the organization in 2011 and managed some rented accommodation with the help of his friends. “My friends helped me a lot,” he says, “and I worked day in and day out to sustain my life. I secured an admission with the money I earned. And then I had to work again to buy books. The process is on and now it is my final year.”

The case of Bilal Ahmad is slightly different.

His father divorced his mother in 1998. “My father’s mental balance deteriorated in late 1990s and he divorced my mother. I got divided from my family, only then,” Bilal says in a choked voice.

Bilal too was taken to Shehjaar of J&K Help Foundation by one of his neighbours. “I studied there for thirteen years and after my tenth class results, I left it,” he says.

From there Bilal was rehabilitated by Raahat Manzil run by Muslim Welfare Society at Bemina crossing in Srinagar. “After I did my class 12, I had no idea where to go as no one was back home to live with,” he informs. “My father seldom comes home as he is out of his senses and no one from my uncles takes care or enquires about him or me,” he rues.

But idea of meeting Ishfaq struck his mind. “Ishfaq was my senior at Shehjaar and as we are from same village, so I thought meeting him but to my surprise he offered me shelter,” Bilal exclaims.

Now, the duo is living at a rented accommodation in Old City and are working jointly. “Our landlord is a very nice man. He is very kind to us as the rent is meagre and has kept every facility for us,” the duo says.

The struggle of the duo, they say, has made them teach the worth of life. “Whatsoever be the situation from now on wards, we will try to live an honourable life,” they say. “Destitute can make a mark.”

The Dal affairs swung Supreme Court of India back into action recently. The apex court while directing state government to restore the pristine beauty of the lake rejected the plea of state government who had challenged the order of the J&K high court to extend the service of Irfan Yasin, the incumbent vice chairman lake and waterways development authority (LAWDA) by six months. Yasin was due to superannuate on March 31, 2014.

The rejection means the return of Yasin to LAWDA as its VC. The high court had earlier directed the state to appoint a full-time official as the chairperson of the J&K LAWDA but as the deadline for appointment was reaching, the government gave additional charge of LAWDA to VC Srinagar Development Authority (SDA), Shafaat Noor Barlas.

The order from the Government has come amid directions by the Division Bench (DB) of high court comprising Chief Justice MM Kumar and Justice Muzaffar Hussain Attar to the state to retain the services of Yasin for a period of six months to ensure that various directions concerning Dal lake conservation don’t go unheeded.

On October 22, 2013 the court had suggested association of another officer right at that time so that by the time Yasin demits his office the officer shadowing him may have grip over the whole matter but nothing has been done by the respondents, the DB observed.  In order to serve the environment and maintain ecology of the lake by implementing various projects and maintaining the pace of development, we feel that it would be necessary to retain the services of Yasin, the DB further observed.

The Advocate General MI Qadri said the state government has no option but to implement the order. He said the government would require recalling and re-appointing Yasin as VC LAWDA in the wake of the SC judgment. But a new VC of the body will also have to be appointed simultaneously so that he gains experience and knowledge of running the body, Qadri said.

The controversy over extension in the services of Yasin erupted last March when he completed one year extended tenure following his retirement in March 2013.

With an extended office, Yasin, who terms the introduction of sewerage treatment plant into Dal Lake his best shot as VC LAWDA, is expected to clear some muck from the lake before going for a long leave.

– Bilal Handoo

It was Sheikh Abdullah’s trusted man Bakshi Ghulam Ahmad who replaced him and erased his legacy, although marginally.  Hafsa Kanjwal argues that New Delhi used Bakshi to get things done in Kashmir that Sheikh might have resisted

When elders of the generation that lived through the fifties and sixties in Kashmir are asked about Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, they hesitate, and then give a half smile. “He did a lot for Kashmir,” many say, “but at what cost?”

Bakshi emerged as Sheikh Abdullah’s right-hand man under the Emergency Administration (1947-1953). Coming from a humble background and having only passed the 8th standard, Bakshi was said to have a deep and genuine concern for the common man.  While Sheikh was seen as being more aloof and arrogant, it was Bakshi who was perhaps the more populist leader- organizing, meeting people, bringing them together, and making sure matters were being dealt with efficiently. In 1947, at an important working committee meeting of the National Conference, Bakshi joined a number of leaders in favoring accession to Pakistan. Yet, he told Sheikh that whatever they would decide that day—he should stick to it and not look back. Unfortunately for Kashmiris, Bakshi was more pragmatic than an ideologue.

New Delhi knew this, of course, and when Sheikh started getting out of their control, they had already targeted Bakshi as his replacement.

In August 1953, Bakshi took over as Prime Minister after Sheikh and his associates were arrested. While Sheikh’s legacy has subsequently been torn to shreds, Bakshi’s legacy is a bit more complicated.

Bakshi was tasked with the difficult job of not only politically securing the accession of Kashmir for India, but also “emotionally” integrating Kashmiris into the Indian Union. He was to do this at a time when Kashmiris throughout the valley were agitating and getting killed for protesting against the arrest of Sheikh Abdullah. In a series of strategic moves that privileged the economic over the political, Bakshi managed to temporarily contain the agitation. Because Bakshi had dealt so closely with common Kashmiris, he had an innate sense of people’s immediate, material needs. After taking power, Bakshi’s administration ended the exploitative system of mujawaza, made education free, and took on a number of important developmental projects, including the Sonawari Block Project. More importantly, Bakshi introduced rice at heavily subsidized rates, earning the adulation of thousands of Kashmiris who had faced starvation under Sheikh’s reign.

Bakshi was particularly concerned for Kashmiri Muslims, who were still marginal when it came to education and employment. He is credited with the creation of the Engineering and Medical colleges, two premier institutions that have enabled some form of social mobility for a significant number of Kashmiri Muslims since their founding. He also employed a number of Kashmiri Muslims into different government positions—sometimes giving high posts to individuals who had barely passed matriculation. Oftentimes, Bakshi would come across unemployed young men on his tours throughout the Valley and give these orders on matchboxes and paper napkins.

Along with informal patronage came significant levels of corruption. So much money was coming from India (although mostly in the form of loans and not grants as is sometimes believed), that corruption became rampant in all levels of the bureaucracy. Bakshi would even boast that if someone was unable to get rich during his time, they would never be able to do so. His family, known as the Bakshi Brothers Corporation, and close associates especially benefited from this practice.

It is because of some of these populist reforms and what was perceived as a genuine concern for the common people that Bakshi is judged less critically than other leaders in Kashmiri history. But the judgment must be dealt. No matter where Bakshi’s personal ideological commitment laid, practically speaking his reign transformed the political status of the region into one that was further entrenched into the Indian Union. In pursuing an ideology of the “good life,” Bakshi sought to use particular political and rhetorical practices that worked to displace discussion surrounding substantive political issues in the Kashmiri public. While this included an approach that addressed people’s dire need for economic wellbeing, education and employment, it also attempted to repress any political activity that was deemed subversive, which at that time included the movement calling for plebiscite. Any anti-Indian activity was suppressed and dealt with harshly through the free hand given to the infamous Peace Brigades and the notorious police officer, Ghulam Qadir Ganderbali. While Sheikh had tried to maintain some form of financial independence from the Indian Union, Bakshi had no such qualms. The customs tax was dismissed and Kashmir became financially integrated with India. The permit system was abolished. On the legislative scale, the unrepresentative Constituent Assembly adopted the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir, declaring the state to be an integral part of India.

It appears that Bakshi had gained some popularity in the first few years of his reign, largely due to his populist policies. Overtime, however, his administration’s corruption, misrule, and suppression became too much for even New Delhi to handle. Just as easily as he was brought in, he was also brought out, under the auspices of the Kamraj plan. Immediately after, the holy relic incident occurred, and at the time, it was believed that the Bakshi family was responsible for the theft. Large crowds gathered in protest, some even torching property held by members of the family.

Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad talking to a lady in Kokernag area in 1954 in this file pic.

After a few more attempts in politics, Bakshi died in 1972. While Sheikh Abdullah’s grave is guarded, to this day, Bakshi’s grave remains unguarded, a reflection of his contradicting legacy.

What are some of the lessons we can learn from the Bakshi era? His reign can help us think more critically about the relationship between economics and politics as well as the dangers of sacrificing ideology for practicality.

Economic and material concerns matter to people, and any vision for Kashmir’s future must critically take that into account. However, they are not the only concerns that matter. While economic concerns may take precedence in a particular moment, political concerns remain. Although people can be brought physically, their sentiments cannot be brought, and while a movement can lapse into sentiment, the sentiment remains as the underlying script.

Hafsa Kanjwal is PhD candidate in the department of History and Women’s Studies at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

Controversies seem ceaseless for the senior Indian scribe. After creating political commotion by meeting Hafiz Saeed, Ved Prakash Vaidik has now stirrup up Kashmir controversy. Cutting from the crowd of his ilk, Vaidik, a right-winger, sees no harm in independent Kashmir!

An associate of Baba Ramdev, Vaidik said that both India and Pakistan should stop fighting over Kashmir and make it an independent nation. He said India and Pakistan should work to build a bridge rather than a gorge.

Earlier, while castigating Vaidik’s Pak visit, Congress asked if Vaidik was sent as an emissary to Pakistan and why proper channels had not been followed. Even as his meeting with 26/11 attack “mastermind” Hafiz Saeed created a furore in Parliament and outside, Vaidik said he had consented to meet the Jamaat-ud-Dawa chief purely at the behest of a journalist friend from Pakistan.

The issue led to two adjournments in the Rajya Sabha. Though the Modi government said it had nothing to do with the meeting and that there was no ‘Track-2 or Track-3’ diplomacy involved. There was uproar in Lok Sabha too with members seeking response over the “purpose and motive” behind the meeting from the home minister or external affairs minister.

In his 55 years of journalistic career, Vaidik said, he has not declined to meet anyone: from Maoist leaders to LTTE leaders including Prabhakaran. As the criticism mounted, Vaidik said, he wanted to analyse Saeed’s mind and know why he committed “heinous crimes against India”.

He denied being part of the Vivekananda International Foundation, with which IB chief Ajit Kumar Doval was earlier associated. This has been alleged as the reason why he was chosen to play the government’s ‘envoy’ to reach Saeed.

Amid the controversy, Saeed tweeted: We meet everyone with an open heart, whoever wants to meet; regardless of nation, belief or religion…Sadly, so-called ‘secular’ India is unable to bear an informal meeting of her journalist, Mr Vaidik, another eg (example) of Indian narrow-mindedness.

Vaidik, a seasoned journalist who has a specialty in South Asia, was once opinion editor of the Hindi daily Navbharat Times, then editor of Bhasha, the Hindi cousin of the Press Trust of India.

While clearing his stand on his Kashmir remarks, Vaidik said Kashmir should get autonomy, which it has: “Isn’t (Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister) Omar Abdullah a Kashmiri? Is he a Bihari?”

– Bilal Handoo

Encircled from three sides by swelling Jhelum, people living in Srinagar’s posh locality Rajbagh had only downtown boys standing between life and death. Political Editor Kashmir Life Shah Abbas survived miraculously to tell his story    

Two weeks have passed but the images of 7^th September, 2014 are still afresh in my mind. It still haunts me how I managed to walk through neck-deep water and make my way out of the Rajbagh using the already submerged Abdullah Bridge. It was like living through a horror movie. There were scenes of helplessness and desperation all around as Jhelum had breached from three side: Gadehenzpora, Kursoo and Abdullah Bridge, trapping people inside their houses.

It [water] came so quickly that people could barely manage to save their lives. But not all were fortunate. Like many others, I along with my family was waiting for any official assistance till the last hour, but all in vain. It was around midnight when people of Rajbagh actually gauged Jhelum’s mood and started leaving their houses. I was probably among the last lot who left at 3:10 AM along with my ten-year-old son and wife. It was kind of reverse migration as most of the people started running towards old-city, a place they had left in order to live in posh Rajbagh.

The people living in the areas falling under Nawhatta, Maharaj Gunj, Khanyar, Zadibal, Safakadal and Shaheed Gunj police stations had to arrange lunch for more than ten thousand displaced people.

The people falling under the said areas often face curfews and restrictions because according to police and civil administration they are most volatile and these areas witness stone pelting, shutdowns and anti-India protests.

But today those living in the posh areas like Rajbagh, Jawahar Nagar, Radio Colony and Bemina areas of the city had relied on the “miscreants” of the old city who did not disappoint their brethren and left not a single soul hungry by their war-footing efforts at a time when the administration was found snoozing and people were weeping and wailing for their property and nears and dears.

The residents near the Gadehenzpora had smelled the danger earlier, however, the people of Kursoo were unaware about the situation so they waited and waited till midnight when somebody informed them about the breach from the Gadehenzpora side and they got scared.

Had people been informed by the authorities about the river breach a bit earlier, the number of people trapped in the area would have been very low.

The locals took the announcements made from the Mosques casually because of their ambiguity. “Who was making those announcements and on whose behalf, we still do not know,” said one Nazir Ahmad, adding, “If the announcements were official they should have informed us about the amount of water coming towards us and the breach in the river so that we could have taken preventive majors like fleeing the area much earlier.”

The Sunday sun witnessed the brave youth of the old city running towards the flood hit areas of the civil lines and Chattabal with whatever sources they had. Not fearing for their lives, the local youth saved thousands of precious lives by reaching the helpless people trapped in as high as fifteen feet of water. It was the time when administration was indecisive about the situation. The day passed witnessing the bravery of Kashmiri youth but the situation became grim as the young rescuers informed about the huge numbers of people trapped in the floods. The elders took the information very seriously and they decided to act swiftly.

“Those who believe in Allah and His great messenger prophet Mohammad (SAW) cannot sleep in their houses when thousands of humans are in distress and waiting for help,” an announcement made from a local mosque in Zadibal at around 10:30 PM alerted the locals. It added: “The youth up to the age of 30 years are duty bound to leave and help the people whose lives are at stake.” Such announcements from the local mosques were enough to assess the situation of the flood hit areas.

Credit goes to these youngsters who evacuated all patients from SMHS and Lal Ded hospitals by putting their own lives in danger. These youth had reached from far off places as well to help victims. Two such youth from Bandipora who had reached with their own boat saved the lives of two kids in the Nawab Bazar area.

The father of two minors (an employee in fire and emergency services) was on duty; while as, their mother was out for some work when their residence got submerged. The young heroes from Bandipora rescued the kids in a shocking state. Their overjoyed parents tried to reward the rescuers, but they refused, saying, “We have come to help our brothers not to earn from them.”

By the time, the relief had started coming from all areas of the valley. Most of those who were sending the relief were themselves badly hit by the massive flood. The relief material was received at various lungers and camps. The youngsters were taking eatables for the people stranded at Rajbagh and Jawahar Nagar people from as far as Habbakadal and Hyderpora. A youth who identified himself as Ashraf stopped at the bund near submerged Sadar Court’s building and said pointing towards the complex: “Police had charge-sheeted me and my two other friends in two fake cases. And these judges were not paying any heed to my innocence. Now see, Judge of judges has given His verdict!”

Army too had started its “selective” rescue operation in the area. People were watching choppers flying over the city after every five minutes. At the Rajbagh Gath, some six to eight personnel of JAKLI had surrendered their two boats and a sound system to local youth and the army men were busy discussing “flood politics” on the Jhelum bund. The situation was quite contrary at Rajbagh crossing near Modern Hospital where an army boat was driven by two army personnel and an officer yielding a Kalashnikov was asking locals to lead them to the trapped people.

Eyewitnesses told this reporter that army personnel had a list already with them and they were only trying to reach those “special” people. They also alleged that helicopters were dropping eatables to “selected” people and areas only. Same allegations were from hundreds of people who had made makeshift residential arrangements along the bund from Lal Mandi to Zero Bridge. “Choppers came twice and dropped a few packets which fell into the Jhelum,” Abdullah Hakak, an elder said, alleging, “it was a deliberate attempt on part of the chopper-bound men.”

An example of the “selective” relief was also witnessed in a downtown area where a Casper vehicle of the army was distributing drinking water among the victims. When a local approached the vehicle and pleaded for a bottle of water for his thirsty child, the army men surprised everybody by refusing him, saying: “It is meant for the tourists only!” The attitude of the army resulted in some protests at many places of the city. The tempers soon cooled down after some sensible elders intervened. And the locals again got busy in rescue and relief operations.

On Thursday (September 11), a chopper dropped quintals of eatables and medicine for the people stranded in the Sharika Devi temple situated at Koh-e-Maran hillock. It took the same helicopter a few seconds to reach the other side of the fort where thousands of people had taken shelter in the Makhdoom Sahab Shrine and its mosque. The chopper dropped only twelve pockets of grinded rice locally called Sattu and “expired” bread. This infuriated the people who threw foot wears towards the flying machine in rage.

No doubt, army personnel saved many precious lives during their rescue operation and their choppers kept the hopes of trapped people alive. But it was not any extraordinary effort as expected from an institution like army. Many analysts are of the opinion that a campaign was started by the electronic media which was aimed at glorifying army in the most militarized region of the word. And all this was done at the cost of professional ethics. “That is why, a camera remained always ready, as and when, anybody was being rescued or food packets were being dropped,” Tariq Ali Mir, a Srinagar based journalist, said.

Mirwaiz Umer Farooq in action, visiting flooded areas

But people were all around praising Separatists like Syed Ali Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Mohammad Yasin Malik, Shabir Ahmad Shah, Nayeem Ahmad Khan, Zafar Akbar Bhat and the volunteers of Jama’at-e-Islami, Islami Jamiat-e-Tulba and many journalists who had organised lungers and relief camps to reach out to the flood victims. Otherwise the situation would have been more worse than it is now.

I spent a week’s time at Zadibal and used to travel the areas of old city almost on daily basis. What I found was that youth had taken charge of everything and the elders were busy making arrangements in temporary lungers and camps. However, police was missing. In their absence, the locals were managing traffic at various junctures, making ways for the sick and injured people. “What administration did, was, it ended long house detention of Geelani Sahab immediately after the flood,” said Mohammad Yasin Khanday of Nawab Bazar. “Perhaps the authorities knew Geelani along with other separatists has the capacity to reach out to the effected people.”

Note: Story may not be the reflection of entire flood situation in Kashmir as the author had limited access and resources.

When flood deserted Srinagar’s Press Enclave, a lady stayed back only to witness the devastating drive of Jhelum around. A government official by profession, she tells Bilal Handoo her account of awe and agony

All she could see was water from her window

As clock struck 2:30 AM Sunday on September 7, somebody rang our doorbell. That late midnight call created an instant panic. I grew anxious, very anxious.

On Saturday evening, panic had gripped Lal Chowk after the news broke out: Jhelum is overflowing the bund near Abdullah Bridge in Rajbagh. But instead of overflow, I saw a leakage in the Bund. Water was slowly spilling in the area. But the situation appeared under control. My brother told me: “It will take only twenty sandbags to stop the leakage.” But it seemed both locals and authorities had given up well before Jhelum came out of its banks and wreaked havoc.

Everybody on the spot sounded like ‘prophet of doom,’ predicting the worst. Even my brother was a doomsayer for the day: “A devastating flood is going to hit us soon.”

After we returned to our flat in Srinagar’s Press Enclave, I heard my brother telling someone: “Just leave. Rajbagh is about to submerge!” And soon everybody left. Later I came to know that only three persons were left in the Press Enclave: Me, my brother and a prominent Kashmiri photojournalist, Habib Naqash.

My brother woke up to respond that untimely doorbell which appeared both troublesome and frenetic. But before opening the door, he cried out: “Who is this?”

The man outside the door responded in an alarmed voice: “Please open the door. I need office key.” On the top floor of our building is a newspaper office. The office staffers keep a key of main door of their office with us to meet any eventuality.

The moment my brother opened the door, he could see a trembling man standing outside along with his equally shivering wife and a kid. “Whats wrong? Is everything alright?” My brother enquired from the man who was out of breath. After a while, the most disturbing words came out of his mouth: “I am ruined!”

The man went on to say how his family had a narrow escape at Rajbagh where water had risen suddenly at midnight and had inundated his house along with the entire area. That poor man could save nothing from his Rajbagh rented residence.

After hearing the man’s account, our worst fears had come true. All doubts had melted away. The flood was indeed on its way. My brother grew restless. He soon left to take stock of the situation. It was 2:45 AM. He later told me that he saw scores of shopkeepers emptying their shops in Lal Chowk. He had seen a stream of Jhelum flowing over Bund near Polo View. Near Hari Singh High Street, he had seen flood submerging houses and shops. In panic, he returned and told me: “Let’s go to Rajbagh to check the status of our relatives there.”

The moment we reached Abdullah Bridge, we saw the most disturbing scenes. It was as if entire residents of Rajbagh had assembled on the bridge. Those were heart-wrenching scenes, something out of one’s imagination. I could see mass mourning and a poignant picture of shattered lives.

We returned home. And soon my brother left to buy some bread and other essentials.

With the first stroke of light, I could see Regal Chowk filled with flood. The water level was only rising. And then, at 10:15 AM, the disturbing calm around was shattered by a loud thud. It was earthshaking. As I peeped outside to make sense of the sound, I saw a mighty Chinar down on Exchange road. The ferocious flood had uprooted the giant tree.

The sight set off a wild pulse in my heart. I began thinking: If a mighty Chinar can fell like a house of cards, then the building dating back to Dogra Maharaja’s time — where we are living, can reduce into rubble at any time now. I later realised, the flood had also devastated our mental calm besides lives and properties around.

And then later that day, all hell broke loose when angry Jhelum breached Bund near Abi Guzar facing the backside of our building. Within no time, gallons of water rushed through and filled the Lal Chowk. The fierce flow of flood dismantled fences, buildings and everything that came in its path.

Non-Local on Chinar tree in inundated Pratap Park. Photo: Special arrangement

At around 7:15 PM, we heard cries entering our window facing the Congress office: “Somebody, please help us!” We both hurried to our window. The water level by then had submerged the first floor of our building. Outside our window, we saw two non-locals atop a Chinar tree. As the water rose, we saw them climbing higher and higher. They remained stranded on the tree for two days.

Two days after, we saw an NDRF boat sailing around. We pleaded those men to save two stranded non-locals on tree. They assured help on their return. But they never showed their faces again. It was then a local boatman appeared. We asked him to rescue the non-locals. He did it and dropped them at a nearby building-turned-refuge centre. We could see from our window how much relieved those two non-locals felt.

During those fifteen days, I witnessed many things outside my window. I saw carcasses, wrecked houses, home appliances and articles of every nature floating around in flood. Boats were sailing over Pratap Park, something which I had never seen before.

When all this was happening, government was nowhere visible. Some choppers made their occasional presence felt. But they rescued those who apparently figured in their list. Rest were shrugged off, as if, they were lesser mortals.

Now, I have lost the track of all those events and incidents. I believe, one should have a bad memory for nightmares. Or, there is every possibility of life turning into a living agony.

But this much I remember: Nobody came to our rescue, except locals. Yasin Malik was the first person to reach us with medicines and eatables.

We didn’t sleep during those days. The entire area looked haunted. And since it was black out, we lit earthen lamps during night. Locals sailing on boats were our eyes and ears of happenings around. They told us how a rumour was rife about our building being among the list of collapsed structures in Lal Chowk.

But amid all this, I could see death staring hard at us. We simply escaped God’s wrath.

Politicians in Kashmir not only enjoy the privilege to frame laws for the masses but impunity to mend them! With negligible conviction rate politicians accused of murder, extortion, embezzlement, frauds and even rape go scot free, and stay in power. Safwat Zargar reports the paradox         

Peerzada Mohammad Sayeed

On November 8, a Delhi court sentenced Senior PDP leader Mohd Dilawar Mir for three years in a case related to wrongful release of Rs 30 lakh and contract for sale of urea to his firm by public sector National Fertilizers Limited in 1993-1996. Apart from the sentence, Mir was awarded a whopping fine of Rs 3.21 crore by the special CBI court. Even though Mir got the bail and managed to suspend his sentence till January 2015, but the sentence cost him the participation in forthcoming assembly elections.

It was a rare incident in a place where dozens of law makers, ex-lawmakers and politicians are allegedly involved in cases; ranging from scams, molestations and embezzlements, to liaison with army and even murder, with almost zero per cent conviction rate.

The rot is from the top. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah is one of the prime accused in the death of Haji Yusuf, a party worker who had allegedly took 1.18 crore rupees from other two party members, promising them nomination to state’s legislative council and subsequent ministerial positions. Yusuf, who was summoned by Omar to his camp office on the evening of September 29, 2011 and later, handed over by him to then IGP Raja Aijaz Ali had died in the police hospital next day. The medical report had shown “cardiac arrest” as the cause of Yusuf’s death.

At present the case is sub-judice before Supreme Court whereby the petitioner Balwant Singh Mankotia on behalf of Yusuf’s son Talib Hussain is seeking CBI inquiry of his father’s death. The family of the deceased had moved to apex court after a magisterial inquiry and Justice Bedi Commission had given clean chit to Omar and his colleagues.

However, Justice Bedi Commission took notice of a Deputy Superintendent rank officer and his constable subordinate responsible for dereliction of duty by not informing the family about the arrest of their member. Also, the commission in its report had observed that Yusuf was arrested on September 29 and a case (FIR 17/2011) was registered at 10 PM on the night of Yusuf’s handing over.

After the matter cooled down, the police officer Raja Aijaz Ali joined Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) immediately after retirement. He will be fighting elections from Uri assembly segment in North Kashmir on PDP ticket.

If Supreme Court orders a CBI inquiry in the matter, ghosts of Yusuf might come to haunt Omar again.

One of the most infamous exam scams took place in the state when the foster son of minister of education was caught copying by officials. On January 5 2014, Jammu and Kashmir police formally registered an FIR against senior Congress leader and former Minister for Education Peerzada Mohammad Syed and his foster son Imam Souban for using fraudulent means to pass his class 10 board exams in 2009.  The FIR was also registered against then examination superintendent Tariq Gilani along with examination assistant superintendents Javed Ahmad, Imtiyaz Ahmad Zargar and Mukhtar Ahmad, all of who had allegedly helped the minister’s son in exams.

The matter goes back to 2009 when Peerzada’s son, appearing in 10^th standard examination, was caught copying in examinations by an inspection team of J&K Board of School Education. After a formal complaint was lodged against the accused, it took Crime Branch three years to complete the inquiry. In its report, the Crime Branch said it has enough evidence against Imam Souban and a case (FIR No 1/2014) under sections 419, 420, 467, 468 and 120B of RPC has been registered against him. However, no arrest was made.

Instead, Syed had said that his foster son Imam had publicly disowned him as father.

After the Crime Branch report, Omar Abdullah had sought resignation from Peerzada. Though the findings of report had prompted Peerzada to tender a resignation to Congress president Sonia Gandhi, the party leadership refused it. A day later, Omar also toed the line and said “he [Peerzada] will continue in council of ministers.”

On January 06, 2014, High court granted an interim bail to Peerzada’s son. At present, the minister’s son is reportedly pursuing studies in law!

Peerzada, who is presently the minister of Haj and Auqaf, was not new to controversies and resignations.

A winner from Kokernag assembly segment of Anantnag, in 2008, Peerzada had to resign from the position of Education Minister and Presidentship of Jammu and Kashmir Pradesh Congress Committee (JKPCC) after then MLA Sangrama, Shoaib Lone, on the floor of House, alleged that Peerzada took Rs 40,000 as bribe from him to clear his sister’s file.

Back in 2005, Peerzada, Ex-Minister Rural Development, was named in one of the complaints before J&K Accountability Commission for alleged misappropriation of government funds for electrification of Panchayat Ghars.

Convictions and imprisonment of lawmakers and ex-lawmakers have been rare in India including Jammu and Kashmir. However, the trend of sending ministers and MLAs to jail has of late started to pick up in other states, experts say. From Lalu Prasad Yadav to Jayalalithaa, all of the convicted have been put behind the bars. At present, J&K seems to be much behind in that line.

Dr. Sheikh Showkat Hussain, who teaches Law at Central University of Kashmir, says “the trend will pick up here as well, but, slowly. It all depends upon the conviction. Courts can’t send people to jail on mere accuses.”

According to Dr. Sheikh, the result and strength of the case depends upon the way prosecution frames a case. “Judiciary is independent. It will decide on the basis of which sections of law have been framed against the accused. In case of a politician accused of an offence, if prosecution is able to frame a strong case, it will surely lead to the conviction of the accused,” he says.

Dr. Sheikh has another observation on this: “the mainstream political class here is basically a collaborator class. In order to let this structure of hegemony remain intact, many things are overlooked by New Delhi.”

Farooq Abdullah with Cricket Association

Perhaps, he is right. In 2012, a multi-crore scam surfaced in Jammu and Kashmir Cricket Association, with the allegations of Union Minister and NC patron Dr Farooq Abdullah, also the head of JKCA, involved in siphoning off money meant for development of cricket in the state.

The 1.90 crore scam became public when Muhammad Aslam Goni, a member of JKCA, accused JKCA general secretary Saleem Khan and Treasurer Ahsan Mirza of siphoning off the money coming from BCCI by transferring into an account not related to the association. On investigating the issue, police verified the letters exchanged by the members and bank account details at J&K Bank’s Khanyar branch of the association and concluded that account was operational with the consent of senior board members.

The twist was that the J&K Bank, during investigations, clarified to the police that “the amount from the account was released only after the authority letter of JKCA president Dr Farooq Abdullah. It was duly signed by Abdullah on June 27, 2008.”

Even more than a year after the completion of investigations, police hasn’t produced the challan in the case. Legal experts say somebody has to approach court to seek status of case from police.

On July 10, 2013, Supreme Court of India scrapped the law which allowed charge-sheeted Members of Parliament and MLAs, on conviction for offences, to be given three months’ time for appeal. According to the new law, those Members of Parliament (MPs) and Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs) against whom chargesheet has been filed on conviction for offences will be immediately disqualified from holding the membership of the House, without any time for appeal.

GA Mir

Minister for Tourism and Congress MLA from Dooru Ghulam Ahmad Mir and former minister of Industries and Commerce Raman Mattoo were the prime accused in infamous 2005 sex scandal. The alleged kingpin Sabeena had named the two MLAs along with few other high-level officials to whom she allegedly supplied girls.

Both MLAs were booked under Section 5 of the Prevention of Immoral Traffic Act (PITA) and arrested by CBI in 2006. After the scandal, Kashmir was on boil. With lawyers in the state resolving not to appear for the defence of the accused, Supreme Court shifted the case to Chandigarh in 2006.

Six years later, on September 29 2012, the CBI Special Court acquitted Mir and Mattoo along with alleged kingpin of the sex scam Sabeena and her husband Abdul Hamid. The ruling came after the victims, who at first in their statements before the magistrate had alleged that they were exploited by the accused and had even showed the investigating agency the house and the room where they were exploited, turned hostile. Later, on the provision of benefit of doubt, court acquitted all the accused.

“Usually, overall conviction rate in India is low and seeking justice is a lengthy and tiring process,” says Habeel Iqbal, a young lawyer from South Kashmir. According to Habeel, the quality of investigation agencies plays a major role in proving the crime. “If an investigation agency works professionally and with fool-proof mechanism, there are chances of conviction rates elevating,” he says. “But that rarely happens; most of the times, the cases stretch to so many years that it ultimately results in favour of the accused.”

Accused of molesting a lady doctor at his office, former Minister of State for Health and senior Congress leader Shabir Khan was booked under a molestation case by Jammu and Kashmir police. While the minister resigned a day after being booked, he still didn’t go to jail. Instead, once the FIR was filed, the minster went into hiding till he was able to arrange an interim bail for himself from J&K High Court.

After the Chief Judicial Magistrate issued a warrant against Khan in a molestation case, police claimed to have raided a number of places in Rajouri and Jammu but wasn’t able to arrest him. It also claimed to have removed his security cover. Many questioned police’s claims to have no trace of the accused for a week. It was strange in a place like Kashmir where a vast network of intelligence and security agencies are active 24×7.

Khan surfaced seven days later after the high court directed him to report to the police, and at the same time directed the police, in case of his appearance, they should release him on a surety bond of Rs 25,000.

His entry was in macho style. Stepping on the tarmac at the Srinagar international airport, Khan, under full security cover, drove to the Circuit house where he reportedly remained for more than four hours. Officials’ privy to development said that Khan informed police to inform investigation officer of the case to drop-in at the Circuit House to take the bail bond from him.

When the investigation officer didn’t turn up, Khan, fearing end of deadline, drove to the police station minutes before sunset, along with a troupe of his lawyers and associates. After completing the formalities at the police station, Khan was back in circuit house. Presently, the case is sub-judice.

Ghulam Hassan Mir

Perhaps for the first revelation of its kind, a newspaper report in Indian Express named Ghulam Hassan Mir, Member of Legislative Assembly from Gulmarg, one of the recipients of 1.19 crore rupees from a secret fund raised by former Army chief V K Singh in order to bring down the state government.

According to media reports, Army chief, Gen. VK Singh, had set up a Technical Services Division (TSD) in military intelligence that paid crores of rupees out of secret funds to a cabinet minister of the state and an NGO to bring down the Omar Abdullah government. The fund was also being pumped in to block the chain of succession in Indian Army.

Omar Abdullah had demanded a CBI probe into the functioning of a top army intelligence unit that allegedly used security funds to topple Omar Abdullah-led coalition government in the state.

Omar’s close aide and MLA Amira Kadal Nasir Aslam Wani at that time said “in hindsight it appears the entire summer unrest of 2010 in which 110 people were killed in violent clashes between protesters and security forces appears to have been orchestrated by forces inimical to peace in Kashmir who wanted to bring down the democratically elected government in the state.”

Despite repeated demands and pleas to initiate a judicial probe by Supreme Court. Nothing happened!

By the end of January 2014, the Jammu and Kashmir Accountability commission had eight regular inquiry cases pending disposal against MLAs, Ex-MLAs and former ministers for corruption charges with different anti-corruption bodies.

According to the official documents, the list includes three sitting Cabinet Ministers and six former Ministers including two incumbent MLAs. The list has some big names: Taj Mohi-Ud-Din, Choudhary Mohammad Ramzan and Abdul Majeed Wani, Mangat Ram Sharma Gulchain Singh Charak, Ghulam Mohi-u-Din Sofi and Hakim Mohammad Yaseen.

Sending a signal to state government to hurry up in cases against lawmakers and politicians, Central government on September 1 said that it will “soon write to state governments to speed up cases against MPs and MLAs facing charges which attract disqualification.”  The development came in the backdrop of Supreme Court of India’s directive on March 10, to set a deadline for lower courts to complete trial in cases involving lawmakers within a year of framing of charges. According to the apex court’s ruling, any sentence which attracts punishment of two years and above can lead to disqualification from Parliament or state legislature.

In case of the trial courts failing to complete the trial within a year, the apex court said, it [trial court] will have to give explanation to the chief justice of the respective high court.

His maiden defeat made Dr Farooq Abdullah quit politics for obvious health reasons. It is not his party alone that is feeling his absence from the electoral theatre, reports Saima Bhat

In the fall of 2011, a group of young college and university students were eagerly waiting for Dr Farooq Abdullah inside the studio of Doordarshan Srinagar for an interaction. The mood against the incoming Abdullah had turned raged. These young lots were gearing up to grill Abdullah Sr for the situation they were finding in.

After some time, Dr Abdullah walked inside the studio cracking jokes on his way. As if knowing the participants for a long time, Dr Abdullah came forward and shook their hands. He passed light remarks which only lighten up their miffed mood.

As he sat on a sofa, the youth heard him telling makeup artist: “Apply powder on my face. I am the youngest person in this studio. I should look young.” The very remark broke out laughter in the studio. As the volley of hilarious comments kept coming out of Dr Abdullah’s mouth, the anger boiled down to naught.

“That is his special ability to contain any crisis, something which his son badly lacks,” says Ibrahim Bhat, a foot-soldier of National Conference.

But the same Dr Farooq Abdullah is now missing in the list of star campaigners for the upcoming polls.

After tasting the first defeat of his life in summer polls, the 78-year-old son of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah is not in the fray for winter polls. His ailing health has kept him away from polls, for the first time in his 32 years old political career.

The void created by the absence of Abdullah Sr has apparently created a craving for him across J&K with people irrespective of their political affiliations seemingly missing Dr Abdullah, the ‘jack of all trades’. With his absence on the scene, people will no longer watch his unique charismatic ability to pull crowd during his rallies.

Dr Abdullah knows the art of engaging masses and playing to the galleries. Be it dancing with the folk singers in Budgam or singing along singers in Khir Bawani Mela or hymning bhajan, his tongue-in-cheek comments would always amuse people.

In a local musical event Miley Sur, he once mesmerized the audience with his voice when he took the mike and start singing, “aaj Jaane ki zid na karo, yuenhi pehlu mei bethe raho.” He frankly admitted once: “I could have been either a singer or actor, if not in politics.”

But the four-time J&K chief minister and twice Rajya Sabha member, Dr Abdullah has been mired in controversies. For many he is man with a “large heart” who doesn’t mind and never nourishes “ill will”. In fact, after being given what many mockingly called “gobar gas ministry” in UPA-II, Dr Abdullah replied his detractors in his usual penchant style: “Isi gobar gas se mei ek din Jahaz chalavunga (I will run a plane with the same cow-dung gas one day).”

Known for his flamboyancy, Dr Abdullah never stopped to amuse people with his wit. After returning from his Pakistan visit, his son Omar Abdullah sought forgiveness in Srinagar in early 2000. When asked by reporters a reason behind his son’s apology, Dr Abdullah created laugh-riot with his reply: “Mei ne Shabana Azmi ko bike pe gumaane liye tha, shayad ussi ki maafi maangi hogi (I rode with Shabana Azmi on my bike. Maybe, he has apologised for the same).”

He was always accused to be closer to bollywood actresses. “I still remember how Dr Farooq used to roam freely with bollywood stars like Rekha and Azmi from boulevard area to Dachigam,” says Mohammad Ali, 65, a local in Srinagar.

But Dr Farooq’s ‘free’ attitude of life is normal, says Dr Gull Wani, a political science professor at Kashmir University. “His long stay in England has built up his personal persona like that,” Prof Wani continues. “He is not a politician with bounded mentality.” While practising his medicine in England, Dr Farooq ended up marrying a British nurse Molly. (Reports suggest, Molly had volunteered to donate kidney to ailing Dr Abdullah.)

From a motorcycle enthusiast to a politician, Dr Farooq has always maintained his age-defying, ever-green image of a “young man”.  Be it jumping in Dal Lake to inaugurate water sports as chief minister or mixing with youth in ground when SP College celebrated its hundred years.

“Charismatic Farooq could easily reach out to people what his son couldn’t do,” Prof Wani continues. “Only he has the courage to cross red line.”

Prof Wani is right. It was Dr Farooq who openly lashed out at Pakistan in his statements; at the same time, he would never hesitate to raise pro-freedom slogans. “No other politician has ever done that,” he says.

And the same was the case when he stirred up hornet’s nest by asserting that Afzal Guru’s execution was a “handiwork” of then Home Secretary, R K Singh. He knows how to play with the public mood. “He has learned this skill from his father,” asserts Prof Wani.

Known for making raged remarks like, “Kashmir ko Goli Maroo or Kashmiris are maha Choor,” people say, being unusual was in his character.

After coming out of a temple, Dr Abdullah once said, “har har mahadev.” The next thing came from his mouth was “Geelaniyan haa mornas!”

It is said that when there was an attack on Ragunath Temple in Jammu, Dr Abdullah rushed to the spot only to give a ‘sensational’ byte to cameras:“Allah ka shukur hai, Bagwan ji bach gaye!”

Born in the late fall of 1937 in Soura, Dr Farooq was still a novice in politics in 1981 when he was appointed NC president. His main qualification for the post was that he was the son of NC supremo, Sheikh Abdullah.

A year after Dr Abdullah became state chief minister. Soon political tiff between the NC, dominant political outfit in the state and the Congress government in New Delhi, saw the dismissal of two state governments. While his government was dismissed in 1984, his successor brother-in-law, Ghulam Mohammad Shah’s government was dismissed in 1986.

Dr Abdullah did not succumb but ‘intelligently’ concluded an accord with then prime minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, under which the Congress and the NC formed an alliance to contest the State Assembly elections, held in 1987. He won. But as the armed struggle broke out, his government was dismissed and Kashmir was brought under the president rule.

It was Dr Abdullah who reclaimed this chair of CM in 1996 at the peak of militancy. Prof Wani while giving credit to Dr Abdullah says: “If Farooq would have denied to contest the power would have gone to dreaded counterinsurgent Kukka Parray.”

During the same time his image reportedly suffered a ‘dent’. People were then expecting some sympathetic words for him. But Farooq with tears in eyes taking oath at Srinagar’s SKICC surprised many by showering all praises for India. “But this was typical of Dr Abdullah to throw surprises,” says Prof Wani.

But at the same time, says a veteran journalist Mohammad Sayed Malik, it was because of Farooq’s ‘loose’ tongue that many of NC leaders faced the music.

Malik says Farooq not only inherited chair but he also got the political capital of his father. But what happened all along was he just used that kitty without any addition, Malik says: “And the result was such he faced the first ever defeat of his political career, in parliamentary elections of May 2014.”

“I miss Dr Abdullah,” says PDP spokesman Naeem Akhter. “His son exhibited such a bad contrast to him that one starts loving Dr Abdullah.”

Akhter who has worked with Dr Abdullah says, “He is large-hearted, charming and politically intelligent.” But on the political scene, Dr Abdullah was taken almost far granted and there were times when Kashmir looked uni-polar because of him.

While wishing him good health Akhter says, “Politically Farooq died in 2009 when he was chief ministerial candidate but ultimately his son took the chair.”

During a recent election campaign, Omar Abdullah said that his father is not well. But for NC members, Dr Farooq’s heart and soul are with the party wherever he is. They must be yearning for Dr Abdullah who kept the ‘flock’ together. Perhaps, they might be recalling Dr Abdullah’s singing-his-heart-out-moment in SKICC, “Aaj Jaane ki zid na karo.”

The contest in Doda, the epicenter of Chenab Valley, has gone interesting not because of the BJP but because of incumbent lawmaker Abdul Majid Wani, who is seeking reelection for the third time, reports R S Gull

Congress’s Doda legislator Abdul Majeed Wani writing with the support of cop.

Reyaz ul Haq is a resident of Mangota in Marmat. For the last one week, this NC campaigner has restricted his movement and is usually spending time around his home. “I always live with my relatives and friends,” he said. The reason: during campaigning, he received a threat from a number which he believes is from Congress. “He told me I will be killed for my activities and I am sure he was the person from our opponents,” Haq said. “The only thing I could do is to record the threat and hand it over to the party.”

Haq says his family is scared. “We live in Marmat which is a remote belt and if I am attacked here who will save me,” Haq said. “I do not know if my party has done something to protect me or to get the people arrested who issued the threat.”

Reyaz is not alone. When Majid Wani went with his cavalcade to remote Dachnam belt, a group of young men stopped him midway. They had just one request. Last time he had promised them to help make a road and it remained unfulfilled. The people had told him that had they employed rodents they would have helped them build the road but their representative being a minister could not keep his word! After argumentation for around one hour, Wani move ahead.

On his way back, he allegedly rang up Farooq, one of the key Sarpanchs in the belt and threatened him. A few minutes, he received another call – this time by Wani’s henchmen. Panicky Farooq had turned slightly intelligent and he recorded the call.

The conversation is the highest order of intimidation that a voter can get. “His men were seeking votes for money and we resisted and now see what they are doing with us,” Farooq said. “We sent an application to the police because I am genuinely terrified but I do not know if they have lodged an FIR.” A copy of the recording has been given to SP, DC and the local police station. Nobody is aware of any action, so far.

Shakti Parihar

Rise of Wani has been a major event in the history of Chenab valley. This is making the contest very interesting this time. Wani is pitched against Najeeb Suharwardy of NC and BJP’s wealthy contractor Shakti Parhar.

But Wani’s ascend to politics has remained interesting. One of the richest men from the area, Wani contested for the first time against Najeeb Suharwardy in 2002. Then, Suharwardy was Dr Farooq Abdullah’s MoS Home. Given the scale of terror and the violations of human rights, Suhrawardy had to reap his bit.

“The situation was so grave in the district that we could not campaign,” said one of the NC followers. “Militants had to ensure that we do not win and there were a series of targeted killing of our workers.” Wani made it to the state assembly for the first time.

But to get into the contest in 2002, Wani faced a terrible crisis: he desperately needed a no objection certificate from the state owned forest corporation (SFC) to become eligible for filing his nomination. He owed Rs 1.77 crore to the corporation and a court had already given the corporation that award. Wani managed the document and the election. He later joined Congress and became a minister.

Election 2008 was slightly different. Though militancy existed in the belt, Wani was still relevant. There was the huge Azad factor that played key role for Congress to win five of the six seats that make Chenab Valley.

Now in fray for the third consecutive term, 12 years later, the Congress minister has revealed that he has moved applications for arbitration involving his three liabilities in dispute and it involves Rs 17747657. It is the same amount that he owed to the government when he jumped into politics, something that he never paid after becoming part of the government.

A matriculate and a resident of Doda’s Bharat village, Wani is a high flying man. His family still in the forest extraction business is a cosmopolitan one. However, in the affidavit he has stated that he is separated from his father’s business.

Wani has revealed he owns moveable property worth Rs 8459301 as his housewife has Rs 8 lakh in cash in kind. It includes his Fortuner and Ford Eco cars worth more than three million rupees. His immovable assets include land worth Rs 4902450, and a guest house in Srinagar’s flood-devastated Raj Bagh worth Rs 50 lakh, But his house in Nawabad Jammu is owned by his wife and it is worth Rs 50 lakh.

In a way, Wani’s stated overall worth of Rs 23361751 is slightly less than double of the dues he has disputed through court!

But Wani’s economic health has improved immensely if compared to the revelations he had made in 2008. Then he had bank deposits of Rs 25 lakh, 300 gms of gold, a Scorpio and a Santro car, besides agriculture land worth Rs 2.79 crore. Then, Wani had an FIR registered against him in police station Doda, a mention of which is missing in 2014!

Khalid Najib Suharwardy

An Azad loyalist, Wanis’ have relations across party lines in Chenab valley. He held roads and buildings and mechanical engineering ministries in the state which have enough of funds available for developmental activities. Last summer, he landed in a serious controversy as his junior minister accused him of misusing his position in transferring engineers.

The episode of Wani being given NoC in 2002 later led to a case in the State Accountability Commission (SAC). An investigation revealed that Wani and some officials were hand-in-glove to manage the vital document. All the characters were identified and one of the least politically connected was even placed under suspension. There has not been any follow up that would merit a mention.

But nothing of this sort is being talked about against Wani in Doda. The only thing that dominates the discourse is how Wani managed his campaign to retain the power that he has tasted since 2002. But will he retain the seat and defeat the not-so-politician-like Najeeb Suharwardy again. Or will the fight between the two become a windfall for Parihaar. PDP obviously is in the race but not in the ranking. Doda polls in the first phase on Tuesday.

The devastating floods of September made many people home-less. Some of them living in the make-shift camps are trying to fight the loss and putting themselves together to rise again. Syed Asma visits one such make-shift camp located in the middle of the City

Under construction Chinar complex in Munawarabad is a makeshift home for dozens of flood affected families.

Abdul Raheem Kumar, a 60 year-old-man puffing a cigarette is looking-out across the river Jhelum. Wearing a serious look on his face he does not talk much, his wife Rafiqa says. Kumar’s eyes are stuck at something very far. After staring at something for a long time, he looks at his wife and asks – why isn’t the noise in my head stopping?

“Since the flood stuck us, he is complaining of something unusual!” says Rafiqa, “usually we complain of headache, but he says some disturbing noise is going on in his head.” The doctors in SHMS have advised him to go for some medical examinations but the fear of being diagnosed with a non-curable disease is stopping him from consulting a doctor again, perhaps!

A resident of Bemina, Kumar and his family are taking shelter in an under construction building: Chinar complex at Munwarabad, Srinagar. It is a huge structure erected in Khyam chowk without doors and windows, even the walls inside are missing. An open staircase in the edifice caused a few causalities when the flood victims were residing there.

“A few of my friends got injured while we were playing in the building,” says Faizan, a 10 year old mischievous child who with his parents is residing there for a few weeks after floods. Two boys had a fall, one from the open staircase and another from an open slab and fell on the ground. He presently has a fractured leg and arm.

Faizan and his friends called it a ghost house as they had to live in those ugly raw cemented walls with no electricity for almost three weeks. “Ghosts would have eaten us up but we were smart enough,” Faizan winked.

The entire locality of Chinar Bagh was inundated in water and these helpless people could not even move to their relatives’ places as they mostly live near Dal Lake, Bemina, Mehjoor Nagar or Sumerbug. Almost all these families in this locality (Chinar Bagh), lost both their shelter and livelihood after the flood stuck.

The population in the area earns hand to mouth. Almost all of them are laborers and do not have many options and places to live in, so they collectively built up their new huts to face the approaching harsh winters.

They all lost everything and have to start from a zero!

Kumar used to run a tea-stall in Lal-chowk. The flood left him helpless – washed away his hut in Bemina and his cart in Lal-chowk. Kumar has had a tough life all through. He had a shop in Lal chowk which the government dismantled for being an illegal construction. Then he took loans from people and bought a hand-cart which the flood washed away.

Feeding the family of five – his wife, two sons and a daughter, Kumar had earned all his life; had built up a hut in Bemina and married off his daughter, he says. Flood destroyed everything. His daughter was married a month ago to a shopkeeper living in Sumerbug. “I had married my daughter in a comparatively well-off family. They owned a concert house and a shop in their locality. I thought she should live a luxurious life which I could never afford,” says Kumar, “but our plans can’t change our fate and destinies.”

“You know what, we are destined to suffer! Floods devastated her house, their shop and all the things that we gifted her in marriage,” sighs Kumar and turns away towards the Jhelum again. “Even her trousseau wasn’t spared,” shouted Rafiqa from behind.

Kumar lights up another cigarette and started staring again at something far away.

From a past few years they lived a relatively contended life. Earning almost Rs 10,000 a month, they could manage a good dowry for their daughter. Rafiqa, more expressive than her husband, points out to the same side at what Kumar is perhaps staring, she says it is the hut of my sister that is being re-constructed.

He (Kumar) must be looking on those wooden huts (dhokas) that are being re-constructed in Chinar Bagh, says Rafiqa, one of them is of our brother-in-law’s, Abdul Rashid Shoda. The entire population of Chinar Bagh who lived in the wooden huts were submerged in flood waters for one and a half month.

“He (Kumar) has lost all hopes,” says Rafiqa, “he is completely shattered.” His sons working as laborers are now helping people cleaning the flood affected houses or help them dismantle them.

Rafiqa pointing her finger at a reconstructed hut belonging to her sister. They had a four rooms hut. When the level of water raised, their hut got inundated, so, they had to leave hastily.

Their three month old grandson, the first one in the family, compelled them to leave everything aside and run for life. The first stop they chose to reside was Rafiqa’s hut in Bemina. As luck would have it, just a few hours later water ran into the lanes and roads of Bemina. Afroza, a new mother, along with her three-month-old son, had to walk through the flood water till they reached back to her home. What was left was the submerged ruins of their huts!

Unfortunately, the new born baby got infected and was admitted in the lone Children’s hospital in Sonawar for a week. Afroza says he still doesn’t sleep and give her sleepless nights as well.

Like Afroza there are many daughters sitting with their parents waiting for their in-laws to call them back. Besides, many of the marriages have been postponed as the huts and the trousseau along with rest of the property has been washed away with floods.

Sajjad Lone’s plunge to reclaim the legacy he inherited from his father has changed the contours of contest in border Kupwara. It is no more a bipolar contest anywhere in its five berths. Bilal Handoo tours the belt and reports that Peoples’ Conference holds the fate of not only Omar’s two ministers but one of PDP’s big daddies too.

Sajjad Lone

Before National Conference’s Chowdhary Ramazan won Handwara constituency in 1983, it was slain Hurriyat leader Abdul Gani Lone who won the seat thrice: in 1967 and 1972 on Congress ticket, and in 1977 on Janta Party ticket. Lately after Narendra Modi and Sajjad Lone met this fall, Handwara constituency has created a great political interest.

Fresh from his New Delhi visit, Sajjad Lone is confident man in the town smiling how people are joining his camp in “hordes”. But a growing realisation in the town is: Handwara won’t be a cakewalk for either NC’s Ramzan or PC’s Lone. “Sajjad Lone is winning hands down,” says Nazir Ahmad, a local in Handwara town. On the other side, some say “keeping the developmental works done by Ramzan in view, Handwara will tilt towards NC”.

But political speculations and realisations apart, a brief fact-finding reveals that except losing the seat to Independent Sofi Ghulam Mohiuddin in 2002, Ramzan has maintained his firm grip over seat since 1983. A law graduate Ramzan won last elections defeating his nearest rival Sofi by a victory margin of 11,590 votes out of total 57678 votes polled. Ramzan polled 27907 against Sofi’s 16317 votes; while PDP’s Ghulam Ahmad Mir polled only 3417 votes.

At the fag end of poll campaign in the town, many believe votes are likely to get divided between Sofi and Ramzan which will end up helping Sajjad Lone.

As the town reverberates with “Jeevey Jeevey, Lone Jeevey” slogans, Sajjad believes his “victory is inevitable”. It will be after 1987 elections that faction of Abdul Gani Lone’s PC led by Sajjad will be contesting the seat. Through it was widely believed that Sajjad had fielded Ghulam Mohiuddin Sofi as an independent candidate by proxy in 2002.

There is other side of story as well. “After embracing poll exercise, Sajjad has put his reputation at stake,” believes Karim Sultan, a local. Many say one-time separatist Sajjad’s candidature and his subsequent meet with Narendra Modi marks his return to the ‘national fold’ and raised question mark on his ‘sincerity.’ His supporters think otherwise.

“I don’t think one should read much from his meeting with Modi,” says Zahoor Mir, a PC foot soldier. “It is not even betrayal of his father’s legacy as is being portrayed.” Let me tell you, he continues, “Sajjad’s support base stands strong.”

While filing nomination papers recently,  Sajjad talked about Army’s apology in Macchil fake encounter case and termed it as a sign of coming “change”. But NC and PDP are terming him “outsider” who is claiming his father’s rural legacy with his urban base.

Among the total 12 candidates in fray from Handwara, it will be Sajjad’s maiden poll contest from the assembly segment after unsuccessfully contesting 2009 Lok Sabha elections from Baramulla-Kupwara seat in North Kashmir. He was earlier associated with the moderate Hurriyat Conference led by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq. His elder brother is the executive member of moderate Hurriyat Conference.

“I humbly appeal you to use your power on the day of voting against the tyranny and enslavement rendered by the two families,” Sajjad would address his pumped up audience during election campaigns. “Failure to do so will be a loss of opportunity.” He believes the people yearn for change and “they deserve the change and opportunity to bring in new blood, new fervour, and new passion”.

Other than Handwara, Karnah will be polling on December 2 where a teacher-turned-legislator Kafil ur Rehman has an “edge” because of his “extensive” ground works. Rehman the incumbent NC legislator is invincible since 1996. In 2008 polls, Kafil defeated his nearest rival ANC’s AB Rehman Bhadana with 4110 votes. Since 1957 polls, NC won the seat 7 times.

In the second phase of polling, the incumbent state law minister Mir Saifullah will be seeking his fourth consecutive term from Kupwara segment. In last polls, he defeated his close rival PDP’s Fayaz Ahmad Mir by 5182 poll margin. Other than 1967 when Congress’s Mohammad Sultan Tantray won Kupwara, the segment has remained NC bastion winning 9 out of last 10 assembly segments.

Mir who is frequently highlighting the development that has been “realized” in Kupwara in the last six years: “Kupwara as a whole has been ushered into an era of prosperity and growth by National Conference.” But the ground mood in the town says the upcoming contest is between PC and PDP.

From Lolab segment, PDP’s Abdul Haq Khan is pitted against NC’s Qaiser Jamsheed Lone. Khan won 2008 polls defeating his nearest rival Lone with a victory margin of 5347 votes. A law graduate Khan took to politics in 1983 when he joined Peoples Conference. In 2002, he contested elections as independent and a year later, he joined PDP.  Other than Congress in 1967 and PDP in 2008, Lolab has remained hotbed for NC. But in 2014 polls, Khan seems in tight spot against Lone.

Sufferings of remote Kupwara in last two decades created an ideal situation for any unconventional politician to have his debut, an opportunity that a construction engineer availed in 2008. After an eventful and hyperactive term, as engineer Rashid seeks reelection he is caught in a bitter contest with traditional parties challenging the performance he is hawking around, reports Bilal Handoo

Er Rasheed during “secretariat gheroa” protest in Srinagar.
Pic: Bilal Bahadur

A dusty Santro car (that desperately needs service to patch up its loose parts) starts moving from Srinagar to Langate. A man inside is busy with his cheap cellphone with faded digits apparently due to overuse. Clad in pheran and wearing weathered footwear, the man is frequently answering phone calls. On the driver’s seat is his personnel assistant with whom the man is exchanging occasional puns. As the vehicle is catching up some speed, both din and imbalance become loud inside.

In between, the phone rings, again. The caller is informing the man about the fresh FIR registered by police against his relative in Wattergam. “Alright, don’t panic. Just give me the local SHO’s cell number,” with that, the call ends. Now he is dialling the SHO’s number. He can hear the bell. The receiver answers, “Hello?” The man speaks, “Hello, this is MLA Langate speaking…” The man inside is the ‘firebrand’ lawmaker of Langate, Abdul Rasheed Sheikh aka Er Rasheed who is on way home.

“Jenab, how wise is this to register FIR on a petty issue?” Er Rasheed asks the SHO. “Look, I know the argument you have under your sleeve. I too know the law—that gives deviant a chance to correct himself. But you make it sure to charge a person on a very first go! You should at least consider somebody’s reputation. Not everyone you charge is criminal. Alright, listen up, just withdraw his charge and give him a chance to correct himself.” The SHO promises the same; and in a flash, Er Rasheed ends the call.

With irked face, MLA Langate turns towards his assistant-cum-driver and questions the police action: “Is this a way to handle a minor issue like a scuffle?” He is fuming—he grits his teeth, contracts his small eyes in bony orbits, bites his lower lip and flashes ire on face. (Perhaps behind his madness is a method: no PSA has been slapped on youth of his constituency after he became MLA.)

Amid honks and buzz on highway, his cellphone rings again. This time the caller is a local from his constituency expressing anguish over irate power supply schedule in his area. As the call ends, Er Rasheed dials the number of the executive engineer power department. “Look I need the power schedule of my entire area within two days,” he says. “If I don’t get it, remember on third day I would be protesting in front of your office!” Without waiting for assurance, he ends the call in disgust.

Scores of such calls follow on his way to home.

As the vehicle enters his constituency, some cops busy frisking civilians mellow down their ‘tight and tough’ body language. The vehicle halts; a cop-in-charge swiftly runs forward flashing a suppressed smile. “While you frisk, make it sure not to put people at any inconvenience,” he tells the cop before cueing his driver to resume journey.

A five minute later, his vibrating vehicle enters Marattgam, the village torched by Ikhwanis in 1995. Hardly five years ago there used to be a ‘dreadful’ army garrison at the entry point of this village, which is now in ruins. It was Er Rasheed who protested aggressively against the army garrison after becoming MLA and eventually forced army to vacate it. Similarly, he managed to relocate two other army camps from his constituency —something which no other MLA did before in Langate with a history of strong militancy and heightened militarization.

The vehicle plying on blacktopped roads passes through a tourist resort, one of the main attractions of Langate constructed during Er Rasheed’s stint as legislator. The road still under construction is expected to connect last villages close to LoC.

Near a cluster of households under the grip of fall and chill, the vehicle halts. As he steps out, he enters inside a house along with horde. He sits at the corner of the room on ground floor. A man with long flowing jet black beard rises up to speak: “People of Langate are thankful to Er Rasheed Sahab who restored a sense of calm and confidence in us.” While everybody inside the room nods their heads, Er Rasheed with lowered head is busy with his cellphone. “He suffered greatly and left his engineering job for our sake…”

Born in the Sheikh family of Mawer (Langate) on August 19, 1967, Er Rasheed is the elder son of a retired teacher. He studied up to class 10 (1983) in Mawer, completed his class 12 (as science student) from Govt higher secondary school Handwara before graduating in science from Govt degree college Sopore. Later he completed three-year diploma in civil engineering from Govt polytechnic in 1991.

Two years later on September 27, 1993, he was appointed as assistant manager (equivalent to junior engineer) in J&K Projects Construction Corporation (JKPCC)—a semi government construction corporation. “His integrity and honesty as an engineer stand out in the department,” says Parvaiz Ali, a local in Langate. “During his 16 years of service, he maintained a clean image without facing any charge of corruption.” In fact, continues Ali, he would at times give his whole salary to destitutes and orphans.

But personally the period between 1990 and 1993 was the worst for him. “During those years, I was subjected to 400 days of army’s bonded labour—the modern day begear,” he says. “The army would force me and others to clean and fill their vehicle with petrol. It was humiliating period to say the least.” Besides he had to bear the brunt when army would frequently turn his residence into a makeshift camp by locking down his whole family inside one room.

When he couldn’t take it anymore, he put up a volte-face for the first time against the army excesses in 1993. Two years later in the summer of 1995, he was severely beaten (and eventually hospitalized for three weeks in Srinagar’s Bone & Joints Hospital) by some unidentified gunmen after refusing them cement from the site of an under-construction bridge in his area.

But this didn’t affect his professional duty. By 1998, he was promoted to deputy manager in JKPCC. A year later, he married without throwing any ceremony or celebration. “I spent just Rs 50 on my marriage,” says Er Rasheed, now father of 3 children.

He rose to senior manager post in 2002 (equivalent to assistant engineer). He was to get promotion as deputy general manager (equivalent to executive engineer), but resigned to fight election in 2008.

Er Rasheed and his party workers protesting in Srinagar.

But more than his engineering, he was getting popular for his social service and for his firm stand against army excesses. On Feb 3, 2003, he led an anti-army protest demonstration of around 15000 people in his area after a youth Shabeer Ahmad Peer was killed in army custody. He remained adamant to call off the agitation until forced army to promise to stop excesses against people including forced labour (a routine in that highly militarized area).

Back home fearing army backlash, his father showed him the door. He stayed away for many weeks before reuniting with his family.

But his popularity was only growing in and around Langate. By 2004 he did what many now call “unthinkable”. He resisted government’s plan to divert water of a reservoir to other areas, which could have resulted in drought in 150 villages of Mawer area. “This incident was a landmark event in Rasheed’s popularity in the area,” believes Hamid Bhat, a resident of Mawer. However, his devotion for social service started affecting his job. With the result, he faced 5 suspensions; and his salary was withheld countless times.

In the summer of 2005, Rasheed was protesting against army excesses in his area, again. With the result, he was (for the second time) expelled from home by his father, who was wary of his constant cudgels with army. Er Rasheed had to spend more than two months outside home. This, however, didn’t damp his spirit for social service.

When earthquake hit valley in October 2005, Rasheed organized a month-long relief work (with the help of different NGOs) in the affected areas of Kupwara district. Later a prominent NGO Help Foundation handed over construction of a school to him for which he “donated more than 4 kanals of land”. Now run by Er Rasheed, this popular 6th standard school provides free education to poor and orphans. (Langate has one of the best performing schools in entire north Kashmir.)

Besides social service, he is known for his bravery. He once captured 5 leopards in his area within two months with the help of some locals, after wild life department failed to capture them. The leopards had killed and wounded many people in his area. The department literally became laughing stock when Er Rasheed captured the ferocious animals without any technical support.

However, his detractors were getting weary of his frequent protests against army, social service and rising popularity. In fact, he admits that before becoming a lawmaker, he could sense sleuths stalking him disguised as commoners. With the result, the bitter outcome was on the cards.

In the fall of 2005, Er Rasheed was arrested by SOG in Srinagar allegedly for supporting militants. “I was badly tortured,” he recalls, “and jailed for three months and 17 days.” Rasheed terms this incident as “a conspiracy” against him for his “pro-people” activities. A charge of “anti national activities” was slapped on him. “I was kept in Cargo, Humhama and Raj bagh prisons,” he says. “During my confinement in CIK, I was made to pee in a bucket meant for drinking water!” Later, he says, when I couldn’t take it anymore, “I paid Rs 1.14 lakh bribe to set myself free.” After his release, he made multiple rounds to different police stations before CJM Srinagar dropped all charges against him.

There is an interesting incident related to his detention. While in custody, he once challenged a senior cop in Raj bagh police station: “Next time I will meet you as an MLA!” It was 2005. Three years later when he won 2008 elections, he went to meet the same senior cop one day. “Tell your Sahab, Abdul Rasheed Sheikh has come to meet him,” he told the guarding cop. “Come some other day, Sahab is busy right now,” the guarding cop told him after the senior cop refused to meet him. “Just tell him, MLA Langate is waiting outside his office.” The cop went to inform the senior cop and returned quickly to tell Er Rasheed: “Sir, Sahab is waiting for you!” As Er Rasheed stepped forward, he could see the senior cop rising from his chair in respect. “Do you remember me? I have come to inform you that I have fulfilled my challenge!” With that he slammed the door and left.

Er Rasheed addressing a press conference.

At Marattgam, Er Rashid is still busy with his cellphone while the bearded man is telling people: “We should rise above the boycott politics.”

“In this election,” says a former NC’s Halqa president, “I will vote for Er Rasheed for the change he swept over our lives.” Besides preventing youth of Langate from draconian PSA, he continues, “it was Er Rasheed who struggled to end inter-district recruitment policy and thus, opened up ample employment avenues for the local youth in their own district.”

Amid piling up praises, Er Rasheed looks unfazed, busy running fingers on his cellphone. Another speaker stands up to speak: “Do you people remember 2013 Eid when three army men were killed in the village?” In unison, everyone raise a ‘war cry’: “Yes, yes…” “Then you must also remember who prevented us from the wrath of army that day?” Again everyone in chorus reply: “Of course, Engineer Sahab!”

“Er Rasheed is poor man’s MLA,” asserts another, “only he deserves our votes.” Inside the room are former NC and PDP workers; besides former militants. “We don’t care how he dresses or speaks,” says a lean man with a pointed nose. “We only care about the difference he brought in our lives.” Many voices speak up in unison: “Er  Rasheed is a chief minister material.” Hearing this, Er Rasheed flashes his tiny teeth apparently in surprise, spread deep smile, before blurting out: “Control your emotions!”

As the mood inside the room turns light, an elderly man starts singing: “Asi ous treomut army dehshat lou lou… Asi behtar chu engineer lou lou (We were terrorised by army… Er Rasheed is best for us).”

And when finally Er Rashid stands up to speak, he begins: “Jis khet se dehkan ko muyassar na ho rozi, Us khet ke har kosha-e-gundam ko jala do (Set the farm on fire if it doesn’t yield any crop).” In 2008, Er Rasheed had polled only 111 votes in Marattgam, “but now,” he addresses a packed room, “If you think I played any role to liberate you from police, army, middle men and bureaucratic huddles, only then I deserve your vote.”

While shifting his focus from vote politics, he reminds his captive audience how he slapped BJP MLA inside state assembly for tearing up Afzal Guru’s poster besides abusing him. “I also want to clear some airs about the reports suggesting I am on BJP’s poll radar,” he says. “The fact is: I did meet BJP’s general secretary Ram Madhav.”

For that matter, he continues, “I have no problem to meet even RSS chief and Hafiz Syed if that lead to Kashmir solution.” A buzz starts coming from his audience. He directs them to keep quiet, and continues: “So what I was saying is: when I met Madhav, I told him very openly that Er Rasheed will support BJP only on three conditions: first, resume talks with Pakistan on Kashmir issue; second, weed out corrupted officials and tainted ministers from state; and third, talk to Hizb chief Syed Salahudin.”

All buzz has stopped. Nobody is talking now. Scores of eyes are gazing his face, apparently waiting for his next words. “But you know what Madhav did? He left, saying: ‘I will first consult the party high command before taking a final call on this.’ This is what transpired between BJP and me. Now tell me, how am I sell-out?”

In the same breath, he cautions his audience: “You may say or believe that I am winning but do you have any idea how much money is being pumped in state to affect the poll results.”

Er Rasheed in front of cameras

Known as “do it now” MLA, Er Rasheed moves without security cover and has given up his official bullet-proof car. Mostly dressed in traditional khan dress, he often gives slip to his PSOs and visits his friends. He is the first MLA who has set a public relations office in his constituency, where there is a well-established pattern of registering peoples’ grievances and taking them with the administration.

He surrendered his security when police in his area was “harassing” youth who had participated in the 2008 Amaranth land row agitation. After his protest, government released all the arrested youth and transferred the SHO.

He once had a fierce verbal brawl at the Chotipora camp of 30 RR. He was the first MLA, who refused to accept army’s diktat of entering the electricity office (where the camp was located) without his car. “I deemed it humiliation for a public representative,” he says, “and army had to apologize for the incident.”

And soon, he started a huge protest demonstration against army atrocities and staged a night-long dharna along with hundreds of people in front of police station Handwara. “I had seen army beating a youth on a road in my area,” he says. “And when I intervened, an army man poked his gun at my chest.” The incident was widely criticized forcing chief minister Omar Abdullah to send a team of officials to talk to him. The talks resulted in a six-point agreement with army and administration, including opening up a road after facing 20 years of army closure, end of forced labour and court martial of army man who poked gun at his chest.

On another occasion, he had a scuffle with the army men (the second time) at Chotipor camp for humiliating some civilians. He lodged an FIR against army with police station Handwara. (He has filed number of FIRs against Army, perhaps the only MLA to do so.)

During Omar’s rule, he recently said, over 800 militants were killed in custody. “The PDP rule was no exception to such type of killings too,” he says. “Both Omar and Mehbooba exploit the name of militancy and Syed Salahudddin to befool gullible Kashmiris.” For him NC and PDP are “tissue papers” used and “disgraced” by New Delhi.

He doesn’t shy away to castigate New Delhi for treating Kashmiri Muslims as “second-class” citizens. “You raise serious issues at times,” Dy Speaker once told him, “but you also dilute them with your mannerism and body language.” But it was perhaps because of the same body language that helped him to pass some important resolutions in Assembly like withdrawing of all FIRs against the youth accused of stone pelting and other charges from 2008.

A proclaimed slain Abdul Gani Lone ideologue, Rasheed was known as a staunch supporter of Peoples Conference. Though a close confidant of Sajad Lone, he was the only person to oppose Sajad’s political decisions.

In 2008, Er  Rasheed stunned political observers by defeating senior NC and PDP leaders Sharif Din Shariq and Muhammad Sultan Panditpuri by 210 votes. By polling 7964 votes, Er Rasheed became the only independent candidate who ever won Langate seat—otherwise NC bastion: winning 6 out of last 10 elections.

At twilight, he heads for the pro-boycott belt—Sopermazgam in Langate where he only polled 13 votes in 2008. In a shivering cold and dreadful darkness, scores have turned up inside a makeshift tent erected on a residential lawn. As he walks inside, the rush starts pouring. Cracking jokes on his way to chair, Er Rasheed light-heartedly takes a kangri from a man to warm himself.

“There was a time when only two or three people would gather for such meetings here,” says a local Sarpanch in his speech. “But now, people have turned up in droves at such odd hours battling such a harsh weather only for the man who ended our nightmare!”

 “Only he had guts to end police and military raj from our lives,” speaks a former militant. “He doesn’t play a politics of victimisation.” Besides, he says, “we were like sheep before Er Rasheed made us to speak for ourselves.”

When Er Rasheed finally rises to speak, he invokes the famous couplet of a poet Majrooh Sultanpuri: “Mei Akeela hi chala tha janibi manzil magar, Log saath ate gae aur karwan banta gae (I had set for my destination alone, but people kept pouring until a caravan was formed). Amid cheers and chants, he says: “Our battle is the battle of principles.” It is the battle, he says “against New Delhi’s slavery”.

About Modi and his party’s Mission 44+, he invokes his favourite couplet (with Modi-fied touch): “Modi tere hatho mei wo lakeer nahi hai, Kashmir tere baap ki jageer nahi hai (Kashmir is neither in Modi’s stars nor his father’s legacy).

After the attack comes the anguish. He recalls his torture in police detention. “I would have never joined politics,” he asserts in a low tone, “but the day I was arrested by police and tortured in many jails, I made up my mind to fight for my and my people’s rights in state assembly.”

Er-Rasheed being marshelled out from assembly.

The nature of issues raised by him in state assembly for the last six years has earned him a name “elected separatist” instead of “elected legislator”. He calls Syed Ali Geelani as his role model—“Geelani is the only Qaid-e-Inqilab who represents sentiments of Kashmiri people in real sense”.

Before the execution of parliament attack convict Afzal Guru, he moved a resolution in Legislative Assembly on September 3, 2011 seeking clemency for Afzal Guru. After hanging, he described Guru as a “martyr” and sought renaming of Srinagar’s famous Lal Chowk after him.

After army gave itself a clean chit in Pathribal fake encounter case early this year, Er Rasheed marched in Lal Chowk raising anti-India and pro-Afzal Guru slogans. To the utter surprise of even police officials, Rasheed pitched: “Tum kitnay Afzal maro gay, Har ghar say Afzal niklay ga (How many Afzal will you kill? Afzal will be born in every household).”

On world human rights day, he chanted: “Bhool Gaya Hay Hindustan, Kashmiri Bhi Hay Insaan (India has forgotten that even Kashmiris are humans).”

On January 24, 2014, he openly said Kashmiris have no reason to celebrate Indian republic day as “the real democracy in J&K is still a distinct dream”. Inside the assembly, he described Kashmir as a disputed territory and once asked the Speaker of the Assembly to “put his hand on his heart and say Kashmir is not a dispute”. He reiterated plebiscite and said if demanding it is a crime, then he will commit it billion times and even if hanged or disqualified from the membership of Legislature. On KP question, he said, “When first bullet was fired in Kashmir the major portion of Pandit community left Kashmir and virtually left the Muslim community at the mercy of guns.” He even called their leaders as fanatics.

As the clock touches 10:30 PM, he attends another residential meeting at main bazaar Langate. As he enters a narrow room, an average build man starts speaking as how he confronted army a few days back when they showed up at his residence during night. “I told them that my leader is Er Rasheed,” he proudly speaks. “Upon hearing this, the army major apologised and ran away.”

Er Rasheed who launched his own political party “Awami Ittihaad Party” in 2012 finally stands up to speak, “My rivals say I play drama by wearing pheran and shunning security,” he says. “They also say I am an agent and work for Indian agencies. I can’t stop people from speculation and speaking. Maybe, my style of politics is unnerving them. Let people judge me…”

His style of work clearly seems departure from the rest. He once broke the lock of a local ration depot and distributed ration among the locals himself. On another occasion, he distributed LPG cylinders among people himself. And after government forces smashed windowpanes in Langate for protesting against Guru’s hanging, Er Rasheed himself replaced the same from his own Trust.

But the man has his own share in controversies as well.

After Modi literally made mockery of Article 370 during his Jammu’s “Lakaar rally” last year, Er Rashid termed it as the failure for Kashmir mainstream and pro-freedom leadership. But he was told by the pro-freedom camp “not to transgress the limits”. “Rasheed is issuing the statements to remain in headlines. He is a mere MLA and he should issue statements within his limits,” Hurriyat Conference (G) chief spokesman Ayaz Akbar reprimanded him. “He is a political turncoat,” Asiya Andrabi castigated him.

During this ongoing poll season, his close rival and NC’s Langate candidate Wali Muhammad alleges Er Rasheed is “an Indian agent” and all his skirmishes with Indian army are “fixed and manoeuvred”. “He has amassed huge wealth,” alleges NC’s Wali. “Er Rasheed is an actor who knows how to stage protests to gain sympathy of the people.”

I am witness to it, Wali continues, how Er Rasheed spent three days with former RAW chief AS Dulat at Reshiwari Rest House in Nowgam Langate. “It was on the directions of former RAW chief that he (Rasheed) visited United States.” He took scores of youth, he continues, to former RAW chief “and only God knows what they discussed in closed door meetings”.

While addressing a packed room at Langate, Er Rasheed is clearing a smokescreen created by NC’s Wali. “As I said before: I can’t shut somebody’s mouth. Look it drives me crazy when I hear people talking such rubbish behind my back. Meeting someone doesn’t make you an agent! Everybody knows my worth and wealth. You see, the shoe I am wearing was recently stolen. But luckily I got it back!” He sighs in relief; his audience breaks into laughter. “My MLA progress card is out; now let people judge me.”

Unlike others, Er Rasheed isn’t campaigning for polls: “And why should I? I am not desperate for your votes. Vote for me only on the merit of my work I did as a MLA.” But yes, he continues, in case you choose me for second term, “then on the next day of poll result I will start a massive agitation in Srinagar to revoke AFSPA…” Suddenly, the light disappears from the room. It is another power cut. Someone is now lighting up a gas lamp. Er Rasheed all of a sudden blurts out: “Can you sense the importance of gas amid this darkness. That’s why you need to vote for gas cylinder (his election symbol).” A light laughter follows.

He once said that it was army and police (“who by forcing Sarpanches to participate in their Sadbhavna programmes and Iftar parties”) were “facilitating the killings”. And when Syed Salahudin figured in NIA’s “proclaimed offenders” list, Er Rasheed condemned the move saying if NIA feels Syed Salahudin has been receiving money for continuing the resistance movement “then NIA should have lodged similar cases against Gh Hassan Mir who received money from various agencies for destabilizing peace in the state”.

After Langate, he attends three more such residential gatherings. Finally at 11:30 PM he directs his personal assistant to drive home, Mewar, some 8 km from Langate. “Do you know what this area is called?” he tells me as we pass through a jungle in upper reaches of Langate. “This is called Kashmir’s tora bora!” It was in this area, he continues, “army once made me their human shield for 37 hours”.

Er Rasheed who has a sharp memory for dates, days and durations claims the recent killing of a local in Langate was a “suicide attack” on him. “I saw that young man of my village lying in the pool of blood in this area only,” he says as the vehicle passes through the absolute darkness.

He broke the army cordon around the youth whose one hand was ripped off by the blast. He went closer to youth tied with grenade. He quite bravely separated the grenade from youth’s vest and took him to hospital, but the youth succumbed to his injuries. “Was it really an attack on me? Go and ask any villager,” he suggests. In fact, a local Sarpanch and scores of villagers say the slain youth had links with two IB agents operating in Langate who took him along on fateful days for some “dirty” game, but the untimely blast “spoiled their plot”.

Er Rasheed during protest in Srinagar

Over the years as MLA, Er Rasheed has earned a reputation of a fearless speaker and remained at the centre of controversy. “I do not accept constitution of India,” he once said in assembly. This irked the then assembly speaker Akbar Lone who shot back: “He is an Indian at the time when he needs funds for his constituency.” This created uproar in the house and before staging a walkout he pointed towards NC’s Ali Mohammad Sagar and said: “One day, we will exercise the right of self determination, remember it.”

When he gets going, he never shies away to launch scathing attack on his opponents. “Tum log kafan choor ho (You are petty thieves),” he once accused NC and PDP in state legislature, “who have sucked the blood of common people.” And when VK Singh controversy gripped the assembly, he termed members as “stooges of Indian army”.

Over the logical conclusion of Dhamni rape and murder case, he asked: “Can any Indian justify how Dhamni’s honour and life are more precious than that of Aasia and Neelofar of Shopian and Tabinda Gani of Langate?” In protest he called for “Secretariat Gherao” only to face batons and water cannons. And soon he was taking a vehicle full of dogs inside Secretariat but police foiled his attempt.

After Tamil Nadu assembly decided to release killers of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, Er Rasheed demanded the same treatment from J&K assembly to release the prisoners like Dr Qasim Faktoo, Masrat Alam Bhat, Ghulam Qadir Bhat and others. He also pleaded the case of Khan Sopori and others in assembly.

At home, he is restless. At about 1:15 AM, he wants to write an article for a daily before retiring to bed. He has been writing for local publications since his student days. However, he hogged limelight in November 2003 when he wrote an open letter to Yasin Malik in weekly Chattan, criticizing Malik’s comments about people of Kupwara. Later Chattan office was reportedly attacked. He continued his regular terse political columns in Chattan, till he decided to jump into election fray in November 2008.

The next day, swarms of people have flooded his residence. After deliberating on issues, he leaves for another residential meeting in Gujjar belt of his constituency. Outside his residence, a handful of cops in civvies are vigilant. “Sahab (Er Rasheed) doesn’t like uniform,” says a fresh-faced cop from neighbouring Handwara, “that’s why we are in plain clothes.”

As he steps out, a cop from Karnah follows him only to receive command: “Stay back!” At a stone’s throw from his residence, he greets women folk with a smile and shakes hand with locals on his way before driving to a Gujjar belt at the fringe of his constituency.

As he reaches the picturesque village of Herel, a horde of people follows him uphill. On the top, a picturesque meadow is dotted with wooden huts facing deodar jungle. At the beginning, a former militant-turned-Sarpanch thanks him for reducing their electricity bill from Rs 360 to Rs 108 per month; and besides laying the roads.

“I have not come here to seek your votes,” Er Rasheed addresses locals inside an open lawn. “You have all my support, so educate your kids.”

As he concludes speaking, he swiftly walks downhill with horde of people running behind him. In an otherwise calm and heavenly place, Er Rasheed manages to stir up an uproar akin to state assembly. While disappearing behind woods, he seemingly leaves a trail of memory behind. “I am often accused by others that I frequently lose my mind,” he once poured his heart out. “But how shall I maintain my cool when like a common Kashmiri, I too have a harassed history!”

In his professional career of 30 years, Haseeb Drabu wore many hats and made many rudimentary shifts in how J&K thinks, earns, saves and spends. After joining politics, he is pitted against south Kashmir’s traditional politicians in Rajpora which has emerged his new school and a new laboratory. Tasavur Mushtaq spends a day with the campaigning economist to understand how ground zero is not a miniature of the civil secretariat

Dr Haseeb Drabu interacting with people in Rajpora’s Tahab area after addressing a public meeting.

In run-up to every election, some people change parties as the fresh flocks formally join. They get noticed. That is it. But when Dr Haseeb Drabu joined Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), it was fiercely reacted. His criticism of the statecraft and stand on critical issues concerning contemporary Kashmir had created an image of Drabu which was that of a ‘public intellectual’, who was just a whisker away from being dubbed a separatist.

With that image when he went to the office of the Returning Officer Rajpora for filling his nomination, reading out the oath and then signing the papers, Muzaffar Hussain Beig, PDPs MP and his one-time-boss congratulated and hugged him saying: “Dr Drabu, welcome to India.”

At 53, when this professional economist is trying to get into the state assembly, he is just formalizing his entry into the power-circuit because he was in ‘power’ for nearly two decades. Soon after getting his M&D Phil from JNU in economics, Dr Drabu entered the economic policy making circuit, initially in the Finance Commission. By the time, he was first time discovered by J&K government as a member of Godbole Committee in 1997, he had served Delhi’s various policy-making institutions and tackled crucial resource distribution within the states.

A prolific writer – (he wrote a series of pieces anonymously in a south Indian magazine that was a scathing criticism of counter-insurgency), he had later taken over the Business Standard as its national editor. After taking over as head of the PDP-Congress coalition, Mufti Muhammad Sayeed traced him, flew him to Srinagar, and appointed him as Economic Adviser (EA) to the state. Then, there was no looking back.

As EA to the state government, a position he retained (till Omar Abdullah took over as the Chief Minister in January 2009) besides being the Chairman and CEO of J&K Bank, state’s only listed company, Drabu has left indelible marks on policy-making, especially the public finance, energy front and investments in private sector. Barring a few initiatives that Omar government altered fundamentally, Drabu legacy is still visible.

Interesting part of his tenure as the chief policy maker of Mufti’s and later Ghulam Nabi Azad’s governments was that he was involved personally in most of the economic initiatives that Delhi launched.

In Vajpayee era, he played a key role for setting up Economic Reconstruction Agency (ERA) – J&K’s sole bucket to manage multi-lateral funding.

With Dr Manmohan Singh (with whom he had worked earlier in Planning Commission) Drabu almost authored Prime Minister’s Reconstruction Plan (PMRP), all the reports that C Rangarajan was entrusted including the one that was part of the Working Group initiative.

In J&K Bank, his tenure was dominated by the process of consolidation and giving it a futuristic direction. He rediscovered the home turf for managing bank’s surging exposure, exploded the myth that J&K being a petty economic space lacks credit absorption capacity. It clicked to the tune that bank’s exposure to the home state almost equaled its investment outside. It was logical: more investment outside was getting fewer yields and less investment within the state was offering better returns. Bank’s profits surged five times till Drabu was unceremoniously sacked in August 2010.

NC’s candidate for Rajpora Ghulam Mohiuddin Mir during a road show in Bellow area.

“The situation was scary,” a source closer to Drabu said. “The government had let a rumour in the market that he will be arrested.” As Drabu left Kashmir, almost in a huff, for Mumbai – his second home for years, the government did not let him stay in peace.

“Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and Dr Farooq Abdullah, then a minister in the cabinet, met Prime Minister requesting him not to give Drabu a role in the RBI, Planning Commission or in the Finance Commission,” a close friend of Drabu said. “The logic was that the decision might embarrass the Omar government.” But Drabu managed his decent survival while working for a few MNCs as he remained completely detached from Kashmir, almost in self-imposed exile.

 “I had worked with three Chief Ministers and I had good relations with all but I was punished for being a professional,” Drabu tells a modest gathering in Tahab, while campaigning. “As the state was under curfew, people were getting injured and we had the reports that people lack access to the money they had deposited with the banks, I thought it is criminal if people will live in penury when they need it most: to treat the injured and manage their food, so I stuffed the ATMs with cash and that was what was played against me.”

Drabu had won the first battle when he shot a scathing response to the Home Ministry that had questioned his wisdom of reversing bank’s credit structure: investing more in J&K and less outside the state. The next time, they caught him, he was literally exiled. He also faced severe reaction when he identified the private financers for investing in the tunnel that would connect Kashmir with Kishtwar through Vailoo. The project, though abandoned by Omar, is possibly being revived as this is the major demand of the Chenab region.

That a strong government is required, to defend the people it trusts with its institutions. That was the instance where Drabu’s urge to help create a strong governance system took roots. And that is precisely what he is preaching about. “We just do not want to change the government, we want to change the politics of the place so that we are able to master our requirements,” Drabu tells people in Arihal. “We must have the right to our resources and right to use it with dignity. We need to ensure a change that lacks disrespect to the genius of Kashmir.”

The top notch economist that Kashmir ever produced, however, is least known as a political scientist. Even before Omar sent him packing to Mumbai, Drabu had given PDP, the Self Rule idea. The document eventually became the political bible of a party that Mufti had founded to fill a political vacuum and gave it a direction. Self rule was an instant comparison to NCs autonomy with only major difference that autonomy stopped at LoC and Self rule tried to cross-over. It was as fresh as PDPs recent manifesto that weaves economics with politics to convey that J&K can still protect the fig-leaf of exclusivity in Indian federation by using the same abused and misused Article 370.

Former PDP leader Syed Bashir, who was expelled from party is contesting as independent candidate.

After resuming his K-connection, which started with his widely read weekly column in Kashmir’s premier newspaper, Drabu started dabbling on certain key social issues as well. At a seminar, he in fact triggered a debate over the management of the mosques – the key scared space in the Muslim societies. “If we take utmost care in making selections of the timber or cement that goes into making of our homes, what about the mosques,” Drabu told a select gathering. “Anybody who approaches you claiming he knows reciting the Koran, you appoint him as your Imam, even without knowing if at all he is a Muslim.”

Regardless of societal response to his writing, Drabu took the idea home. While campaigning, he tells every village to create a committee that has mosque as its epicenter. “If all the facilities and the services are created around the mosque, it improves monitoring and makes the praying space as epicentre of societal interactions,” Drabu said. “I am seriously working to create basic relief structure that people will contribute to and manage at their levels to address destitution and calamities.” The process, he says, has begun.

Drabu denies his dive to politics was in reaction to his dismissal as chief executive of the J&K Bank or Omar government’s failure to retain the growth trajectory he identified for J&K. He says his idea of contribution to the well being of the society is more in doing rather than preaching. That was perhaps why he went to contest rather than waiting for a berth in state legislative council. “That compromises one’s legitimacy,” Drabu says. “It is better to contest and then have a right to preach and implement.”

Now campaigning literally for four months now, Drabu says it is new world that could barely be imagined from the warm environs of the civil secretariat. “I am impressed by the talent pool we have on ground, the little big aspirations that the new generation has,” Drabu said while shuttling from one village to another. “I am amazed by the potential yield that even small investments can trigger in the human and the natural resources that we have.”

For managing the basic facilities of the society, Drabu says small funds are required. “I have the capacity to mobilize lot of funds,” Drabu tells a village gathering. “But the larger issue is where are the hands that will help spending properly.” His focus on ground zero is to help people understand the basic thing that having resource is easier than utilizing it – something that happened to the water resource, the tourism, and more importantly to agriculture.

In Tahab, Drabu in a public meeting reveals he was hesitant to join politics given the type of people in this field and the way it is done in Kashmir. “My joining politics is an experiment that Mufti Sahab is conducting,” he tells a receptive crowd. Pleading voters that if he gets a chance to get into the assembly, “more people like him will follow that eventually will help changing the politics of this place.”

Unlike his opponents, Drabu make a different point to his voters: “your representatives should have thumping majority backing him which makes him put the point across with an authority”. This, he says, is because once a Congress leader from Jammu questioned his Kashmir counterpart saying – with how many votes, you won?

But his plunge to politics has remained bumpy. His party denied mandate to Mufti’s old follower Syed Bashir, who represented this constituency twice. It created a sort of crisis as Syed issue statements and even get sizable groups to protest. Finally Bashir was expelled from basic membership of PDP.

Drabu is fighting from Rajpora that has eight other contestants. But the interesting story is that it has two major contesting parties literally bifurcated on ground, at least for the symbolic reasons. Take NC: it fielded Mohiuddin Mir ignoring Ghulam Nabi Wani Niloora. Mir had representing this seat in 1996 and lost it to Syed Bashir in 2002. In last assembly polls in 2008, when Mir was denied a mandate, he contested independently and lost it by a small margin. NCs official candidate Ghulam Nabi finished third. That wisdom helped Omar to field Mir as official candidate but it forced Ghulam Nabi to contest independently. Now the NC vote will get divided between the two and Mir will still get more votes because he is firmly rooted in Murran-Bellow belt where most of the clan lives.

Dr Haseeb Drabu addressing people in Arihal village of Rajpora constituency.

Though PDP insiders say the party vote bank is intact as Syed Bashir, contesting independently, will end up taking not more than the margins with which he won in 2008, still he has the capacity to reduce margins. The contest in this segment is getting intensely interesting as Kashmir’s only known economist of consequences is fighting his maiden election.

For National Conference’s Mir, Drabu’s loss is inevitable because he is an outsider. “People don’t know him. He is not among us. He has been brought from somewhere and placed here, so his loss is certain,” Mir said. The last 12 years of PDP representation, Mir said there was no development. “There is no drinking water available. To have electricity is big thing, various villages even don’t have requisite infrastructure.” Mir is confident that he will make Drabu lose. “In 2008 I lost by 242 votes as an independent candidate and this time I have backing of a very strong old and strong party, so I am placed comfortably.”

This is a fact that the politicians contesting Drabu lack anything sensational against him. Their campaign against him has only two ingredients: he belongs to a feudal Zaildar family, a tradition that Sheikh Abdullah ended and should not be revived; and that he is a high end elite who drinks imported water, speaks English and cannot shake hands with commoners!

While emphasis of his campaign has remained on the ‘change’, Drabu says one point has actually helped him. “The consistent insistence on me being an offspring of a Zaildar family has helped people relive the days of Aziz Mir, my great-grand father who has been extremely helpful to families and communities,” Drabu said. “Every village I go, elders talk of those days and give me instance of his functioning and working which I would have never got. Now I can write in detail and with firsthand accounts how that system worked differently from place to place.”

But to ensure that he is not an elite and racist as his opponents say, Drabu never says ‘no’ to anything at any time. “I end up having two or sometimes three lunches,” Drabu says showing his pot-belly. “I though, I will reduce weight by moving a lot during campaigning but I ended up amassing fat and lot of it.” It remains to be seen how Drabu will melt his weight once the elections are over!

One family’s ordeal with government’s dilly-dallying while disbursing compensation post floods has left them questioning the system. Saima Bhat narrates the painful tale of Nusrat and her sisters who lost their father and their shelter to the recent floods

A house turned into slush in floods.

It is chaotic outside district commissioner’s office in Srinagar. “Either give me the money promised by the government for rebuilding my home or I will jump out of the window,” said Nusrat Qadir, who looks pale and worn-out, while standing in the narrow corridor leading to the DC office room.

After managing to get attention from people standing around her Nusrat began to narrate her tale. “They (officials) are making fun out of our sufferings and they don’t bother to pay heed to me. How can government say they are here to help us?”

People around her, mostly those seeking compensation like her for post-flood rehabilitation, nod in approval as Nusrat goes on.

But Nusrat’s case is different from all others seeking compensation. She has lost her father in the recent September 7 floods.  “Come with me and I will show you how my three room, three storey house vanished in flood, with our hopes,” she says amid tears.

Nusrat along with her four siblings (three sisters and a brother) and parents was living a modest life in Maisuma, Srinagar, till floods forced them out on the streets with no shelter and livelihood.

Her father, Ghulam Qadir Bhat was earning for his family by driving an auto rickshaw and his two elder daughters would contribute by spinning a wheel and tailoring.

While Nusrat and her elder sister Neelofar are school dropouts, they have somehow managed to send their younger siblings to the university. They wanted to see their siblings better placed and economically well-off.

That wish was fulfilled when their brother completed his graduation and got selected in state police department and other two sisters completed their graduation and masters respectively from the University of Kashmir, and now are working as private school teachers.

“Everything was normal, we were a happy family and our happiness doubled when some months ago we two sisters got engaged. But floods changed everything for us,” says Nusrat.

At 4 PM on September 07, there was hue and cry outside that Jhelum will breach again and will inundate Maisuma in a matter of minutes. The news panicked everyone.

Within no time everybody started rushing towards two multi-storey hotels – Taj and Standard, presumed to be strong structures to save their lives.  Nusrat’s family was one among them. “I and other cousins stayed at hotel Taj while my father and other male cousins went to Standard hotel,” says Nusrat. “My brother was in Kangan for the training.”

While Nusrat’s family stayed at these two hotels, her father went out to check the house. “He must be worried about the belongings, trousseau and jewelry that we had got for our marriages,” says Nusrat.

After half an hour, Nusrat’s father came back and informed his daughters that he will be staying at his house. “There was a rumour that thieves are roaming around in the locality,” says Nusrat.

Nusrat recalls, one of their cousins, who live next door, informed her father about the crack in the wall of their house. “He (Nusrat’s father) left immediately to check the cracks with a solar light in one hand and never returned,” says Nusrat.

For next seven days nobody in Nusrat’s family was aware about what happened to their father. “Only I knew that my father was stuck by a wooden pole on his head and he died on the spot. But I did not tell anybody about it,” says Nusrat.

It was tough for Nusrat to keep her father’s death secret. “But I had no other option. My mother, who is ill most of the times, would have died. And what could have we done with water all around us,” says Nusrat. “There was no other option then to wait for the water to recede and hope for a miracle.”

After seven days, when water level receded, Nusrat’s brother managed to reach Maisuma from Kangan. “I along with my brother then went to our house to seek mortal remains of our father from the debris of our house,” says Nusrat.

When finally brother sister duo reached their home they found their father lying dead in the debris. “He was still holding that solar torch in one hand and his other hand was holding a window,” says Nusrat.

But that was not the end of Nusrat and her families ordeal. It was just the beginning of a nightmare. “I have been following compensation file ever since from one government office to another,” says Nusrat.

Two months later and after her bold act at the DC’s office,  Nusrat finally got  Rs 75,000 for rebuilding of her collapsed house. Nusrat also received Rs 2.30 lakh as compensation for her father’s death. “It was not easy to get that money from government. I had to move from one official to another in order to get that money. It is not easy,” says Nusrat.

Nusrat claims that there were three families living in that house when it collapsed. “But government considers it a single household. Thus the sanctioned amount will get divided equally among all three,” says Nusrat.

Meanwhile chairman of moderate Hurriyat group, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq has promised to build a storey for this family under his initiative of Akh Akis, where he will be rebuilding 100 houses for flood affected families.

Nusrat alleges that the local candidate from Amira Kadal constituency, Altaf Bukhari never came to enquire about the family neither offered any help, as was claimed of late that Bukhari had acted as a savior for the flood victims of his constituency.

A youth from Srinagar’s Balgarden locality rescued a pregnant lady, army rescuers, paramilitary personnel, arranged relief material for over hundreds inside a Batamaloo relief camp and fished out photojournalist Shafat Sidiq’s body. Bilal Handoo details the heroics of a youth after their chance meeting

Mudasir Sofi

A haunting evening had blanketed Srinagar. It was September 20, 2014. The clock had just struck 7:45 PM. Many parts of city were flooded. Near Iqbal Park, I was walking alone alarmed by darkness and occasional dog barks. A strong stench had filled the ambiance. Light was missing, so was life. Nobody was visible on roads. Only a fortnight ago, the place like other parts of Srinagar was bustling with life. But September 7 changed everything. A historic flood devastated the summer capital and subsequently reduced it into a ghost town.

I could see a flash light piercing the darkness. It was coming from Rambagh side. Somebody was seemingly riding on two-wheelers. I was getting hopeful, impatiently hopeful to secure a lift from an anonymous rider during odd hours on road hauntingly absent from traffic.

Standing at a lane leading to Batamaloo, I waived my hands at the approaching vehicle. But to my dismay, the scooty whizzed past me. But it abruptly stopped nearby. I swiftly ran and within a next few seconds I was riding with a stranger in total dark cover.

In between deserted surrounding and dead silence, none of us exchanged a word. Close to Batamaloo, the vehicle paused without disrupting a march of flood-hit around. “It was a narrow escape,” he spoke for the first time. “Jhelum was simply in a very bad mood.” I quickly replied: “Yes, you are right. I believe it is our rebirth.”

As the rush reduced, the ride resumed. “So, where are you from?” I asked him. “Balgarden,” he quickly replied. “You know what,” he said, “flood literally created havoc in our locality. Most of the houses there are still inundated and scores of them have developed huge cracks.”

He stopped at a local chemist’s shop in the interiors of Batamaloo for buying some medicines. The light coming of chemist’s shop lit up his face. For the first time I could see a grave-looking young man sporting stub. “This area was totally submerged a week ago,” he said. “I am literally on toes ever since flood hit us.”

After crossing the road near fire and emergency services department, he suddenly halted the ride. “Can you see this spot, this, near the petrol pump? This is where I fished out the body of a journalist. His name… What was his name? I tell you, wait. His name… His name…Umm…Umm… Yes, Shafat Sidiq!”

We sat at his favourite spot, a shop front, near SMC office. “After many days I am back here,” he said. “I and my doctor friend often spent time here.”

And then, he started spinning his own story.

* * *

My name is Mudasir Sofi. I work in PHE department. On September 7, an alarmed morning woke me up. A flood panic had spread in our area like a wild fire. After stepping outside, I heard flood had breached bund near Sutra Shahi, a locality behind civil secretariat. Within no time, the flood submerged Shaheed Ganj, district police lines and subsequently Balgarden. As the level of water rose, I made a multiple rounds outside to fetch some essentials. On my last round, the water had risen to about 4 ft. I climbed on the neighbour’s wall to visit market, but I hardly knew that I wouldn’t be returning home for the next six days.

After informing my parents, I along with my friend went to Highway. I saw the most heart-wrenching scenes there. People hailing from different economic, social and religious backgrounds were together huddled on roads.

On my return to Batamaloo, I took a shelter in a nearby spacious house. At the end of the day, a crowd of about 250 people assembled there. They gave us food for the night. On the next day morning, I took some boys with me.  We arranged some eatables for the flood-hit inside that residence-turned-refuge centre. While searching food, I saw people in desperation breaking into makeshift fruit and vegetable stalls at Batamaloo market.

Some people were resorting to black marketing in that dark period, but I roughed them up to correct their behaviour. Meanwhile the water level was rising dangerously. One large boat carrying a pregnant lady along with three men was caught in flood apparently behaving like a sea caught in tempest near fire and emergency service department. There was something peculiar about that spot. The water was flowing ferociously there unlike other spots and thus making the onward movement of boats impossible.

It was late evening when I along with others rescued the pregnant lady and men with her. After treating her at a local clinic, we send her home in a small boat along with men.

Meanwhile five days passed but no rescue team showed up. It was then I took a small boat and went to interior parts of Balgarden. Once there, the locals desperately asked for drinking water and milk. I went back to relief camp and arranged whatever I could for them.

In between, I saw an army boat caught in the floods near fire and emergency department. Sensing threat to their lives, I rescued them. They later told me that their motor boat stopped working near Jehangir Hotel, but the ferocious flood floated their boat as far as to Batamaloo beyond their control. They were in city for rescue operation with only eight boats which were already in use at Jawahar Nagar and Rajbagh. “Your own state government has 30 boats, 15 waters scooters, besides there are plenty of boats in Nigeen Lake. What stops state government to use them? We can’t save everyone,” one of them told me.

Later I rescued four CRPF personnel stranded at Balgarden area and took them to the relief camp.

On the sixth day, the water level came down. I went home climbing over fences. I met my family after six days. They were delighted to see me. But after meeting them briefly, I again left for the relief camp.

While rowing near petrol pump close to district police lines, I saw a swelled cloth visible on the way of my boat. I tried to displace it, but the very weight of it made it too heavy to move. I again tried, but failed. While I was doing it, some eight or ten fire brigade personnel were watching from their department building, as if in amusement. I forcibly moved it only to be shocked. It was a corpse! The very sight left me numb. I yelled at fire brigade personnel for help, but they stood where they were: watching the drama of sorts.

I instructed my friend on boat to grasp the body while I went to call my other friends. With their help, I fished out the body and placed it on a nearby sidewalk. There was an identity card and camera hanging from his neck. We traced his address from his identity card. His name was Shafat Sidiq, a photojournalist from Ali Kadal. My doctor friend after examining the body, said: “He has died with a strike on his head and not by drowning.” He further said that probably he might have fallen and landed on hard surface before drowning. I later came to know that he was on assignment for Dainik Jagran on September 7, the day he went missing.

Late Photojournalist Shafat Sidiq

Anyway, I saw a truck packed with around 50 passengers moving around. I along with my friends stopped it and told the driver about the urgency. He agreed and then some of my friends took his body home.

On the last day before returning home, I saw one boat caught in water currents. On boat were crying women, children and a few men. I swiftly ran towards them and took them ashore.

* * *

By the time he finished speaking, Karan Nagar fresh from flood fury appeared to have donned a disturbing look. No mortal was visible, except two strangers sitting on a shop front. Suddenly his cellphone rang up. His family still caught in flood was calling him home.

Well before he started riding home, he said: “You earlier asked me my most relieved moment during rescue. I believe I should tell you that before leaving. For me, fishing out Shafat Sidiq’s body and then sending it to his home will always be the most contended moment of my life. I played a small part in his last reunion with his family.”

With these words, he departed leaving me alone amid the haunted Srinagar.

Moving beyond rescue and relief operations, the team headed by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq started reconstruction of 100 houses for the “neediest of the needy” flood-hit at the time when election process sidelined the welfare of flood-affected. Bilal Handoo reports prelude, process and progress of Mirwaiz led ‘all together’ initiative  

Mirwaiz Umar Farooq announcing ‘Akh Akis’ initiative in Jamia Masjid.

Friday, October 10, 2014. A typical rush was mounting inside Srinagar’s Jamia Masjid reverberating with recitations. Just past 1:05 PM, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, wearing long cream-colured robe and karakul (skullcap), walked in. He offered prayers before stepping on the magnificently wood-carved pulpit to deliver his customary Friday sermon. He soon cut short his sermon though – not to strike his usual political endnote – but to announce this: a special initiative has been started to build homes for the underprivileged families ravaged in recent floods.

‘Akh Akis’ (all together) initiative of Mirwaiz-led ‘Dar-ul-Khair’ (house of charity) was about to “spread smiles” in hundred selected families left homeless in floods. “Our group ‘Dar-ul-Khair’ has been doing whatever it could to help provide emergency relief to the flood-affected families,” these words resounded inside the grand mosque, drawing people in droves.

Headed by Mirwaiz, ‘Dar-ul-Khair’ was established in 2006 “to assist and empower the marginalized sections” of Kashmiri society. “Our group provided rescue, distributed food and ran temporary relief and medical camps,” Mirwaiz continued. “And now, the same group will start a new initiative focused on the reconstruction and rehabilitation of most needy flood-ravaged families.”

The main entrance from the lawn was getting crowded, so were other entry points. Youngsters recording the speech on their cellphones stood like a fence at the back. Their unwavering eyeballs glued to the face of Mirwaiz. The cleric, meanwhile, continued: “The initiative is aimed at building homes, community and hope in Kashmir.” The crowd behind was getting restive. Occasionally, some of them would resort to sloganeering.

Mirwaiz lives in a high-walled residence at Srinagar’s Nigeen area. An enquiring cop at the gate and five guarding cops inside were alert to scroll visitors. “I have an appointment with Mirwaiz Sahab,” these words made a cop dial a number on a landline phone placed nearby. “Sir, someone has come to meet Sahab… Okay, sir!” Call ended. Cop signalled, “You can go!” A passage through a metal detector led to Mirwaiz’s office, separated from his residence by a fence.

Inside his decorated office, a picture of his slain father Mirwaiz Mohammad Farooq hung on wall besides a big portrait of Jamia Masjid. In his well-furnished room, other than portraits, a stack of books on Kashmir and Islamic history rested on a shelf, right to his chair.

But before the announcement of the initiative was made from the historic Jamia Masjid, Mirwaiz Manzil of old Srinagar’s Rajouri Kadal was a busy house. Deliberations, discussions and debates were going on. The immediate motto was to move beyond rescue and relief works, and to zero in on rehabilitation and reconstruction.

Meanwhile, Jhelum receded. And soon the disappeared state government appeared with grim figures. People learned that J&K has suffered a crestfallen loss of Rs 1 trillion in floods. About 12.5 lakh families were affected and total 353864 structures were damaged. These figures emerged on September 29, 2014 in a press conference briefed by J&K Chief Secretary Mohammad Iqbal Khanday. “Preliminary estimates suggest losses of over Rs 30,000 crore to housing sector, while business sector incurred losses worth over Rs 70,000 crores,” informed grave-faced Khanday maintaining J&K had never witnessed a disaster with such an international ramifications before.

Mirwaiz stepping into the shoes of construction worker.

In the face of these losses, Mirwaiz group roped in professionals and volunteers to help the “neediest of the needy” flood-hit families. After adopting a community – based and led – approach to mobilize manpower and resources, the goal was to raise a total of Rs 5.2 crore to rebuild 100 single-storey houses. Each house would be built on 600 square feet land with two rooms, a kitchen and a bathroom. A cost on a single house was calculated as (approx) Rs 5.20 lakh.

Soon, Mirwaiz was seen visiting different parts of Kashmir to collect donations. It was something, which people saw him doing very rarely. The moment donations swelled over Rs 1 crore, Mirwaiz was laying the foundation stone of a new house for a Kashmiri Pandit in Srinagar’s Mandir Bagh on Nov 29. It was perhaps for the first time that Mirwaiz had stepped into the shoes of a construction worker wearing volunteer’s uniform. With sledge hammer in his hand, Mirwaiz was leading enthused volunteers of ‘Dar-ul-Khair’ to the construction site. They dismantled the flood-damaged houses, including the ancestral house of Kashmiri pandit, Moti Lal, a retired teacher of Mandir Bagh.

“The beginning of ‘Akh Akis’ is a befitting reply to those who were assuming the end of Kashmiri brotherhood and pointing fingers on our unity,” Mirwaiz said at a time when Jammu and Kashmir was a poll-bound state. “More than 50,000 houses were damaged in the floods in Srinagar alone but both centre and state government have left Kashmiri people estranged by conducting elections.”

Apart from Moti Lal’s house, a house of a widow at Kral Khud was built under ‘Akh Akis’ initiative. She lives a miserable life after losing her son (her sole earning hand), Mohammad Musaib on September 8. Musaib was a Class 9 student who drowned while rescuing people in Mandir Bagh.

Other than constructing house for a newspaper hawker, Ghulam Mustafa Bhat of Gaw Kadal, a house of a tailor Shabir Ahmad Bhat of Maisuma (who also lost his shop in floods) was also taken up for construction.

And, well before Mirwaiz laid the foundation of six more houses at Srinagar’s Chattabal in the second phase of ‘Akh Akis’ initiative on January 7, a delegation of ‘Dar-ul-Khair’ had distributed warm clothes and bedding among flood-affected families of Nawab Bazaar and adjoining areas.

Mirwaiz was smiling when he walked into his Nigeen office. Wearing cream-coloured Kameez Shalwar with a brown sweater, Mirwaiz Umar, 41, is the chairman of the Awami Action Committee and of one factions of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference.

In the beginning, Mirwaiz, sporting his signature stubble, started talking about the post-flood humanitarian crisis in valley. “All of the sudden, we were hit by catastrophic tragedy,” he began, in his typical sermonised voice. “Though I was living comparatively at safer place, but staying indoors in the face of such disaster was simply shame!”

With Jhelum diverting huge rush towards old city (termed as Mirwaiz’s ‘sphere of influence’), the cleric was on roads along with his support group, spearheading the rescue and relief operations. “It was a very tricky situation,” he cleared his throat. “Thousands of Kashmiri families were rendered homeless overnight…”

Tea arrived. He paused. Only clink of cups and spoons resonated in his office for a while.

“Besides providing emergency relief,” he broke the stillness, “the need of the hour was to help families rebuild their homes.” So that, he continued over tea, “they could begin their lives back.”

By October 2014, Mirwaiz was one of the 500 most influential Muslims in the world. His breaking into the ‘coveted list’ prepared by Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre (Jordan) coincided with his pro-activeness in rescue and relief work on home turf. Earlier as well, he managed to get a mention among Asian Heroes by the Time Magazine.

But before becoming 14th Mirwaiz in 1990 at the age of 17 after his father’s assassination, Mirwaiz Umar, an alumnus of Srinagar’s Burn Hall School, was dreaming to become a software engineer one day. That didn’t happen. Instead, he ended up becoming the founder-chairman of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference at the age of 20 in 1993.

Mirwaiz, a protected person since his father’s assassination, has been supporting dialogue with India and Pakistan “so long as the Kashmiri aspirations are heard as well”. But apart from a political figure, Mirwaiz Umar is also seen as the ‘spiritual leader’ by a certain section of Kashmiri Muslims.

“To respond the alarming situation,” he said, reclining on his chair, “Dar-ul-Khair was at the service of people.” Once rehabilitation and reconstruction were set off, he continued, “the objective was to make the initiative entirely indigenous by raising resources from contributions of Kashmiris and abroad.” And to ensure full transparency and accountability, he said, “we made accounts externally audited and audit reports will be made public along with detailed progress reports.”

To carry out the initiative, a team comprised of architects, engineers and builders conducted surveys, designed plans and oversaw the building process. “By combining voluntary and professional skills, the aim was to build hope in Kashmir by putting the spirit of community service into action,” he said. “And to ensure proper implementation in transparent and time-bound manner, I am directly overseeing the entire process.” So far, he said, construction took place in Mandir Bagh, Chattabal, Maisuma and Suthra Shahi areas of Srinagar.

During one of those discussions inside Mirwaiz Manzil, all the talking heads were apparently finding themselves at crossroads. The problem was to make selection of 100 families in a transparent manner. But when the idea finally struck, it was decided that a team headed by Imam of Jamia Masjid would consult Masjid Committees across Kashmir to identify the genuine victims whose houses would be built on priority basis. “Shortly, we will be building houses at districts levels too for the flood-affected,” he finally struck an endnote.